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Whale watching: How to watch, where to watch and what you can expect to pay

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With whale-watching season in full swing in Southern California, here’s a guide on how to watch, where to watch and what you can expect to pay.

Where you’ll see ’em

Whale-watching tours depart daily from harbors up and down the coast of southern Los Angeles County and Orange County: Marina del Rey, Redondo Beach, Long Beach, San Pedro, Newport Beach and Dana Point.

Experts note that migrating whales seem to prefer swimming closest to shore along Point Vicente on the Palos Verdes Peninsula, Laguna Beach and Dana Point.

What you’ll see

The season’s first gray whale was spotted last week; they’re a common sight off the West Coast, especially this time of year as they make their way south from Alaska to give birth in the warmer waters off Baja California. Whale-watchers stationed at Point Vicente during the December-through-May gray whale migration season counted 1,430 southbound and 2,541 northbound gray whales last season.

Blue whales, the world’s largest mammals, normally swing by over the summer to feed on a buffet of krill and small fish. Fin and Minke whales, and lots of dolphins, can be seen year-round.

Humpbacks and orcas are rarer sights, though a boat out of Dana Point last week spotted a pod of 15 to 20 killer whales. Long Beach whale-watching boats caught up with the orcas and followed them to Point Vicente. A few days later, they got an extremely rare glimpse of about 100 sperm whales off of Catalina Island. There have also been recent humpback whale sightings in the San Pedro Channel.

What’s different?

With less Arctic ice blocking feeding grounds off the Alaskan coast, gray whale migrations seem to be starting earlier so the animals can feed longer, according to local marine biologist Alisa Schulman-Janiger. This has led to noticeable growth in the West Coast’s gray whale population in the past five years, she said.

A persistent El Niño has warmed Pacific waters and messed with the coastal ecosystem — heard of tons of mini crabs and squishy sea cucumbers invading the beaches lately? Expert whale-watchers think that may be why they recently saw three Bryde’s whales chasing sardines up and down the coast of Laguna Beach and Newport Beach. Experts estimate there are only about 20 or so of the species in this region of the Pacific Ocean.

Don’t bum them out

A lot of people watch whales from the water, from small boats or personal watercraft. What’s more, watchers like to take whale selfies, meaning they want to get close to the creature. Here are a few tips to avoid ticking off the biggest creatures on Earth.

• See a blow? Go slow. Approach any whale at the same speed the whale swims, roughly 2-3 knots.

• Carefully approach from the right or left flank. Do not pull directly in front of, or behind, the whale. You don’t want a cranky whale under your Jet Ski.

• Skip the selfie. Stay at least 100 yards away. If a situation arises when you cannot avoid a whale by 100 yards, operate at a no-wake speed.

• Do not get between two whales — females are very protective of their young.

• Do not feed or touch whales. If you happen to be close enough to the creatures for touching or feeding, remember that their size alone can pose a threat.

How much to pay

Excursions out of the local harbors range from $10 to $50 per person (a little cheaper for kids and seniors), depending on the length of the trip and where they depart from; sometimes they’re are a bit more expensive on weekends and holidays. Keep an eye out for group specials, online discounts and special deals on sites like Groupon and Living Social.

And don’t forget to bring a windbreaker.

Boat operators

These operators offer regular whale-watching expeditions:

Harbor Breeze Cruises has daily cruises from Long Beach and weekend trips from San Pedro that will increase to daily later this month. Discount tickets are available online at www.2seewhales.com.

• Marina del Rey Sportfishing offers morning whale-watching tours daily and adds afternoon trips on the weekends. Tickets can be purchased online at mdrsf.net.

• Voyager Excursions offers regular tours from the Redondo Beach Marina during the gray whale season but is currently on hiatus.

Staff Writers Sandy Mazza and Erika I. Ritchie contributed to this report.


Why millennials living with their parents has become the norm in Southern California

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Xitlali Tapia and Ivan Perez got engaged in January and set a wedding date for Nov. 25.

After that, they’ll move in with a pair of unexpected roommates — her parents.

Perez, 26, never dreamed of living with his in-laws. But he and his fiancee, also 26, plan to return to school later this year, meaning they’ll study more and work less. For them, he says, sharing the Tapia’s Anaheim home and saving for a more solid launch slightly later in life isn’t about desperation or lack of ambition — it’s financial common sense.

“We can use that money we would spend on rent to save up, to try to get ahead,” Perez said.

Similar things could be said by Liz Arevalo of Eastvale and Hilary Brown of Garden Grove and, literally, hundreds of thousands of other young adults in Southern California.

For people ages 18 to 34, living with one or both parents is now the most common living arrangement — 32 percent do so — beating out living alone, with roommates, or setting up house with a spouse or partner according to a clutch of new reports on how different generations live. It’s a statistic that Pew Research Center says hasn’t applied to young Americans for at least 130 years.

It’s also particularly pronounced in Southern California. In the Inland Empire, 44.5 percent of all adults under the age of 34 live with their parents, making the Riverside/San Bernardino metro area No. 2 in the country behind Miami. The Los Angeles-Long Beach-Orange County region, at 41.5 percent, ranked No. 4, behind New York City.

Several factors play into this. Southern California and other urban areas are home to more people from parts of the world where younger people traditionally stay at home until marriage.

But the bigger factor is money. In urban markets, entry level wages — the money often earned by millennials — isn’t enough to support independent living.

Moving out in Southern California can be hard for young adults earning the region’s typical starter wages. In the Los Angeles/Orange County area, median rent in 2015 was $1,348, or 68 percent of millennials’ median monthly income of $1,975, according to Abodo, an apartment listing service that also tracks demographic and economic data about young adults. In the Inland Empire, which had a lower median rent, a typical wage earner under 34 still would have shelled out 65 percent of their median monthly income. The area also had the highest 2015 unemployment for the cohort among the large metro areas in Abodo’s study — 12.6 percent.

With such factors in play, the stigma of living with parents is fading. And while some stereotypes that describe millennials — from “ambitious” to “self-centered,” “unprofessional,” “entitled, and “lazy” — feel entrenched in American culture, they don’t take into account some demographic facts:

• Millennials are the biggest, most diverse and best educated generation.

• Millennials came of age during the worst economy since the Great Depression, and many of the jobs created during the recovery haven’t paid well enough to help them catch up.

• Data shows that millennials are pushing off some life milestones — marriage, parenthood, home ownership — as they work toward economic security.

New stage of life

For Brown, of Garden Grove, living with her family is about emotional security as well as economics.

At 28, she attends community college, on and off, with a long-term plan to become a teacher and writer. She says balancing school and part-time hours as a ride operator at a local theme park is tough — though not necessarily as tough as life would be if she couldn’t live with her parents.

She gets along with her family and, parental doting aside, she’s treated like the adult she is.

“In the back of my head, I don’t want to be too comfortable,” Brown said. “Because I’m afraid: What if I never leave?”

Still, Brown feels anxious when she learns that peers are moving up and moving out.

“It’s crushing,” she said. “When you’re younger, you have models (about) going to school (and) then going out on your own,” she said. “You think: ‘That’s the standard. Being independent means leaving home.’ ”

But, for now, she can’t afford to move out. Her parents don’t collect rent, but she still has bills to pay and she still doesn’t (yet) earn enough to live on her own.

Brown’s father, Greg, understands the economic forces keeping his daughter and his 25-year-old son under his roof. He also says it’s different, today, than what he experienced at the same age. After Greg Brown graduated high school, in 1980, he moved briskly through the typical young-adult milestones — finishing college and earning a master’s degree and marrying his wife by his mid-20s. Today, he’s a real estate contract manager.

The elder Brown said he’d like to see his kids move out, but doesn’t want to rush them out the door without a career and proper financial footing.

“Our expectations for our kids are probably in line with what we were expected to do,” Greg Brown said. “But we understand, for several reasons, for some millennials, it’s gonna take a bit longer. In some cases maybe a lot longer.”

That time frame is hardly limited to the Brown household.

Most young Americans, in fact, are hitting traditional adult milestones later than their parents and grandparents, says Frank Furstenberg, a professor of sociology at the University of Pennsylvania, who authored the 2010 study, “On a New Schedule: Transitions to Adulthood and Family Change.” He cites everything from shifting cultural norms to recent economics as key factors.

He also points out the same could have been said about “young adults” throughout American history.

In the late 1800s and early 1900s, young people were expected to contribute to the family economy, but gender roles and other societal barriers prevented women and minority groups from fully participating. The U.S. Census of 1880 recorded that a full 30 percent of people ages 18 to 34 lived with their parents, roughly the same level as today, and the share grew slowly but steadily until 1940. During that period, few young adults lived alone or as single parents.

The situation started to change after World War II. Jobs in the post-War era often required little in the way of formal education, allowing people to marry, have children and move into their own homes at younger ages than their parents or grandparents were when they hit the same milestones. By 1960, nearly two-thirds of American adults under the age of 34 were married or living with a partner in their own home; just one-in-five still lived in their parents’ home.

The decline of well-paying manufacturing jobs, particularly since the 1980s, has led to higher education becoming the key to middle-class employment and lifestyle. Meanwhile, the rising cost for a university degree, and the time needed to complete it, has pushed back the average move-out age.

“Why more education? The jobs seemingly require it, though our educational system is not especially well designed to produce medium-skilled technical jobs,” Furstenberg said.

Another key to the trend is family structure. Furstenberg says young adults who grow up in stable households, and whose families have the money to pay for college, enjoy advantages that help them move out earlier. Those without such resources and support face an uphill battle to self-sufficiency.

“There have been strong currents that have made it an upstream swim for people at the bottom and a downstream swim for people at the top,” he said.

In 2014, about a third of people under the age of 34 without a bachelor’s degree lived with parents; fewer lived with a spouse or partner. The rates are flipped for college graduates; only 19 percent live at home.

Over the last half century, women increasingly have become more independent of the household as they sought higher education and professional careers. That’s also translated into delays for marriage and parenthood. In 2014, millennial women were still more likely to live with a spouse or partner than they were to be living with their parents, but they are projected to cross that threshold soon, according to Pew’s study.

Meanwhile, men are taking an increasingly active role in parenting, an issue that many young people note as another reason to delay marriage and parenthood, Furstenberg said.

Who heads the home?

A census study of American adults under the age of 34 last year found that multi-race people, American natives and Pacific Islanders, as a group, were most likely to live with parents; other races didn’t trail by much. Asian young adults were the only racial group more likely to live with a spouse or partner.

In California, overall population growth is modest as net immigration flattens and birth rates decline. The state is projected to grow by 355,000 residents — about the population of Anaheim — annually over the next five years, mostly by births outpacing deaths, not immigration. However, over the past two decades, home construction in California has not kept pace, a factor that has led to a rise in the number of people per household.

A Register analysis of census estimates for Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties found that household formation — meaning people buying or renting on their own, away from other family — grew 5.5 percent between 2005 and 2015. But the increases came among older people (seniors age 85 and up increasingly are listed as heads of households, as are people 45 and older), while the number of households headed by people 44 and younger actually declined.

Much of that reflects a lack of affordable housing options, even for younger adults on strong career tracks.

Arevalo, 30, brings in a decent income as an operations supervisor at an ambulance service in Brea. But after a brief stint of living on her own in her early 20s, she’s been back with her family home in Eastvale, buying groceries, helping with rent and helping to take care of a sister who has special needs.

She’s also got longer-term career plans — something Arevalo says her parents support.

Still, she says, she feels like she’s overstayed her welcome.

“At 30 years old, I should have my own place,” she said. “It’s frustrating not living on my own.”

By fall, she’ll be back at Riverside City College, finishing prerequisites to become a registered nurse. Within the next five years, Arevalo hopes to be married, move into her own home and start a family. Living with her parents, for now, allows her to save money to achieve those goals.

Millennials aren’t skeptical about home ownership, but they are concerned about the financial viability of buying one, said Jimmy Sengenberger, chief executive of the Millennial Policy Center, a think tank that studies generational issues.

“Many millennials are hesitant to take on a financial obligation as significant as home ownership when repaying student loan debt is already such a burden, wages aren’t growing, and the job market is still relatively weak for younger people,” Sengenberger said via email. He pointed to something unexpected — zoning policies — that help keep housing stocks low and rent prices high in the kind of urban markets that dominate Southern California.

Another issue that might be keeping young adults at home is student debt.

During an era when it’s been tough for young adults to break into the labor force, the price of college has exploded — and resources to pay for those degrees haven’t kept pace.

“(Young adults are) compelled to get more schooling than they did in the past,” said Furstenberg. “But, paradoxically, public support for education has dwindled. There’s a much higher expectation that it’s up to the family to shoulder the burden.”

Furstenberg, noting that California already subsidizes community colleges, said he supported former President Barack Obama’s 2015 proposal to make two years of community college free for aspiring students.

Segenberger’s conservative Millennial Policy Center contends the opposite. He believes the cost of higher education has skyrocketed because of too much government involvement in offsetting tuition. Culling various student loan programs, grants and tax credits, and reforming accreditation, he said, would better allow market forces to lower costs.

Old school expectations

The trend of young adults remaining in the nest is likely to continue beyond the millennial generation as long as marriage and parenthood are delayed and housing and education costs rise, Furstenberg said.

“I don’t see anything dramatic changing in the next 20 years,” he said. “It would require a large growth of perceived opportunities and optimism about the job market.”

Xitlali Tapia, the bride-to-be, and her future husband, Perez, will be living with her parents in their three-bedroom Anaheim home for the foreseeable future.

Both have four-year degrees, both are gaining experience with entry-level jobs in their fields and both are starting post-grad work. Tapia wants to be an elementary school teacher — Perez, a neonatal doctor.

“In the back our heads, we knew that was going to be the plan, given the situation we’re in,” Perez said.

Tapia’s parents, Ramiro and Irma, are on board. They immigrated to the United States from Mexico in the 1980s, and they view education as a family priority. They also said they worked hard for their daughter to have opportunities they didn’t have, and they expect the same of their daughter and future son-in-law.

“If Xitlali wasn’t sure of her future goals, or didn’t go to college, we would definitely expect her to be working an eight-hour job and taking care of herself while living at home,” Ramiro Tapia said.

“It’s either studying or working,” Irma Tapia said.

“Both is also good.”

The age range delineating the millennial generation varies. Pew Research Center defined the generation as born between 1981 and 1997 — ages 20 to 36 in 2017. The U.S. Census Bureau’s scope is larger: Millennials were born between 1982 and 2000 — ages 17 to 35 in 2017. A young adult of any generation is often considered to be ages 18 to 34.

Abodo’s study differs slightly from Pew Research Center’s because it defined millennials living at home more broadly to include grandchildren, in-laws, foster children and others in relation to the head of household.

Staff writer Jeff Collins contributed to this report.

Why are California women giving birth at record-low rates?

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The pace of motherhood in California is slowing and its members are aging, a shift demographers expect to continue and contribute to far-reaching and uncertain changes in the decades to come.

Last year, the state reached a historic milestone: the lowest birth rate on record — 12.4 births per thousand people. That rate was 12.3 for Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties and a Southern California News Group analysis of state projections shows the region’s rate could fall another 24 percent by 2040.

California outpaced the nation by another key measure: declining fertility rates in what is considered childbearing age for women by the National Center for Health Statistics: 15 to 44. According to provisional state data, California last year saw 60.5 births per thousand women, compared to an all-time low 62 births per thousand nationwide.

Other trends also point to the coming changes in California’s maternal future. Fertility rates among California women under 29 fell from 1990 to 2015, most sharply by 74 percent among teens 15 to 19, according to state Department of Finance data. In contrast, rates for women aged 35 to 39 and 40 to 44 rose 45 percent and 67 percent, respectively.

Related: When and how birth rates have dropped in California

After graduating college and moving to Orange County, Melissa Branch, 38, of Newport Beach wasn’t sold on the idea of settling down and having kids. She wanted to live her own life; travel and focus on her career.

“When I was in my younger 20s, the only things I was hearing were high divorce rates, failed marriages,” she said. “I made sure I did everything I wanted to do first before settling down, because once you settle down and have a marriage, those choices are no longer yours.”

She could have a lot of company among new mothers in their 30s.

Looking ahead, state officials anticipate far fewer teen moms and, by 2040, higher rates of birth among women in their late 30s than women in their late 20s.

This switch isn’t apparent yet at MOMS Orange County, a pregnancy care center in Santa Ana, which collects data on its clients, at least 1,000 mothers a year.

The average age of mothers there over the past 10 years is actually down from 34 to 28, the center’s data showed, and the majority still are ages 19 to 35.

Biologically, it’s still best to have a child around age 20, and that’s not going to change, said Pamela Pimentel, a registered nurse and chief executive of the center. But generally, a mom at 35 is more stable emotionally and in her career than a mom in her late teens or early 20s.

However, “the older the mother is, the more risk there is” of complications during pregnancy that account for higher rates of death for older mothers, she said.

Branch falls in line with the trend of later motherhood. She and her husband, Kevin, 46, have a five-month old son, Frazier; they had their first son, Kevin, when Branch was 36.

Knowing the risks of becoming pregnant after age 35, Branch said she took extra steps to avoid complications.

“I went by the guidance of my doctor and everything that was recommended to us as far as the types of genetic testing that was available, and other types of screenings just to make sure the health of the baby — and myself — was well during the pregnancy,” Branch said.

“By the time I hit 35, we made a collective decision that we would try to have a baby, but we are very fortunate that we didn’t have the fertility struggles that some older women have, who turn to things like in vitro fertilization,” for help conceiving, she said.

Both Branch and her husband work full-time, so both children are in daycare full-time — the costs are “astronomical,” she said.

Births still more than replace deaths — factoring in immigration and longer lifespans, the four-county region is estimated to add 2.7 million people over the next two decades. But demographers warn the changing birth rate and population patterns may lead to a smaller workforce that will have to support more retirees, straining pension and health care systems.

The causes of the declining birth rates and delays in childbearing are both economic and a result of changing societal roles for women, who have more career and educational opportunities than in the past. Southern California’s cost of living also continues to outpace wages, and owning or renting a house to start a family now often requires two household earners.

If young workers can’t take time off work to raise kids, they’ll push parenthood back or rethink it altogether, said Dowell Myers, professor of urban planning urban planning and demography at USC. And because many women are starting families later, they also are having fewer kids over their reproductive life because “they have less time,” Myers said.

Myers, a leading expert on California’s changing population and its impacts, said he has been surprised that the economic recovery coming out of the Great Recession hasn’t led to an uptick in the birth rate. “It should be increasing, not decreasing,” he said.

The older generation depends on the success of younger generations, Myers noted. There’s a need to fill jobs left by retirees, as well as the need for young home buyers to meet the prices of older sellers, who have large shares of wealth in home equity.

A USC demographics study co-authored by Myers used a “senior ratio” — derived from a classic dependency ratio — to measure the pressure put on a workforce (25 to 64) to support retiree programs such as pensions, Social Security and Medicare.

In California, what had been 20.4 seniors per 100 working-age residents in 2000 could climb to 28.6 in 2020, then to 38.3 in 2030, burdening old-age programs, the study found.

“Orange County is the poster child in all of California for the aging problem,” Myers said. “It used to have low dependency ratios in the 1980s, when Orange County is a bastion for children with very few retirees.”

Orange County’s population has aged dramatically since then.

“It went from being younger than the rest of the state to being older than the rest of the state,” Myers said, and it now repels millennials because the cost of living is so high.

Riverside County, a retirement destination in the 1980s, has shifted the other way, becoming younger because of relative affordability, he said.

Cities’ and businesses’ goal should be attracting young workers, Myers said.

“The battle is for the millennials; they’re essential for paying (to) support the older people, so communities are fighting over them, trying to attract them,” Myers said.

But that’s something Southern California as a whole is failing to do, he said. “The out migration is like a revolving door … People come here, they try it on, they go back.”

In California, highly educated immigrants are filling holes left by young, native-born workers, especially the less educated, who leave for lower costs of living in other states.

“In an open population, (declining birth rates are) replaced by immigrants, who move to California to fill gaps in the workforce,” said Ethan Sharygin, a demographer at the California Department of Finance. A vast majority of immigrants are working age, 25 to 60, he said, and a future without them joining the labor pool “would be worrying,” he said.

Traditionally, California’s immigrant workforce was predominantly made up of Mexicans and other Latin Americans. Today, however, an influx of people from Asian countries such as China and India, either already college-educated or seeking a college education, come to fill high-paying jobs.

Reversing the birth rate trend is a difficult task, Myers said. Companies could pay higher wages and provide daycare to help households with working parents to attract and retain employees who’d like to start families, but the runaway Southern California housing market has made it difficult for everyone to keep up, he said.

Note: U.S. Census and California Department of Finance data differ slightly because of differences in methodology.

Who is protected by DACA? Here’s a by-the-numbers look

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Some 800,000 people nationwide – at least a quarter of them in California – who immigrated to this country as children are hanging in the balance as President Donald Trump mulls over Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals.

Of the country’s metropolitan areas, Southern California has the largest share of DACA recipients with at least 118,000 to 130,000 applications approved since 2012 (many of which have been renewed), according to Migration Policy Institute and Southern California News Group estimates comparing past and recent U.S. Immigration and Citizenship Services data.

Most are from Mexico and Central American countries, but a not insignificant number are from South Korea and other parts of Asia.

Local DACA recipients so far appear to represent more than half of the 201,000 total people who currently qualify in Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties.

Former President Barack Obama’s administration introduced DACA in 2012 to allow undocumented youth who meet several requirements to obtain renewable two-year deferred action decisions, protecting them from deportation and opening the door for work authorization in the U.S.

The program is seen by some as a gateway to a stable American life for hundreds of thousands of undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children. Others see it as lax immigration policy that burdens the system.

DACA recipients, or “Dreamers,” surveyed this month reported earning higher wages and pursuing more education as a direct result of the program. Of 3,063 respondents in 46 states:

• The median age was 25; the median age when they arrived in the U.S. as children was 6. More than half of those surveyed were ages 22 to 28.

• 17 percent were married to an American citizen and 26 percent had a child who is an American citizen.

• 91 percent were employed. After receiving deferred action, 69 percent got a job with better pay, 5 percent started their own business, 65 percent bought their first car and 16 percent bought a house. Of those now employed, 56 percent were unemployed before DACA.

• Median hours worked per week was 40 and median income was $32,000. Before receiving deferred action, median hours worked per week was the same, but median annual income was $19,000.

• 98 percent were bilingual and most said their ability to speak two languages is an asset to their employer.

• 45 percent were in school; 71 percent of those in school were pursuing a bachelor’s degree or higher. (Earlier this year, there were about 800 undocumented students enrolled at Cal State Fullerton.) 28 percent already had a bachelor’s degree or higher.

• After receiving deferred action, 80 percent got a driver’s license for the first time and 55 percent got a state identification card for the first time.

The survey was conducted by UC San Diego political science professor Tom K. Wong in conjunction with United We Dream, the National Immigration Law Center and the Center for American Progress.

Compare Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino County school test scores with this database

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Southern California students showed modest improvements or held steady in standardized tests scores in the third year of state math and English tests, but scores remained more or less flat statewide, according to data released Wednesday, Sept. 27, by the California Department of Education.

Statewide, 48.56 percent of all students met or exceeded English standards on the California Assessment of Student Performance and Progress, while 37.56 percent did the same in math.

Use the following database to see how your local district and/or school in Los Angeles, San Bernardino, Orange and/or Riverside county performed and compare to other schools.

This is the third year that results from Common Core State Standards-aligned California Assessment of Student Performance and Progress tests have been available, giving parents and educators a better picture of how students, schools and districts are doing.

Roughly 3.2 million third- through eighth-graders took the online tests, which stress critical thinking, problem-solving and preparing students for the real world.

Hold the CTRL key on your keyboard to select multiple districts or schools.

The CAASPP measures how many students performed on English and math tests. This database shows the percentage of students that met or exceeded the standard.

 

What are the marijuana laws in your California city? Explore our database of local cannabis policies

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With a patchwork of marijuana laws spread throughout California, reporters from this news organization have spent months collecting policy information from all 482 cities and 58 counties in the state.

We wanted a way for individuals to be able to see the specific policies in the cities where they live, work and visit. And we wanted businesses to be able to see where they could open, how tax rates compare and more.

Readers can sort this local marijuana policy data alphabetically or by score (points) that show how lenient a city is (higher points) or how strict a city is with its marijuana regulations (low points). They can also filter searches by county or by which places allow which business types, from recreational sales to medical testing labs (more on those types below the database). And they can select certain cities for side-by-side comparisons of their policies.

And remember, each city’s regulations are likely to change over time as the state adapts to the new system. We will be updating this database as things change.

For more California cannabis news, check out The Cannifornian. Or sign up for The Cannifornian newsletter.

Here’s a look at what’s legal and what’s not when it comes to marijuana in California cities.

Glossary of terms

  • Medical sales: Stores that can sell marijuana products to customers who have doctor’s recommendations
  • Medical commercial grows: Cultivation facilities that grow cannabis for the medical market
  • Medical testing: Labs that test medical marijuana products for purity and potency
  • Medical distribution: Transports medical cannabis and cannabis products between licensees, such as from cultivators to retailers
  • Medical manufacturing: Facilities that use raw cannabis to make medical marijuana products, such as edibles and concentrates
  • Recreational sales: Stores that can sell marijuana products to anyone 21 and older with a valid ID
  • Recreational commercial grows: Cultivation facilities that grow cannabis for the recreational market
  • Recreational testing: Labs that test medical marijuana products for purity and potency
  • Recreational distribution: Transports recreational cannabis and cannabis products between licensees, such as from cultivators to retailers
  • Recreational manufacturing: Facilities that use raw cannabis to make recreational marijuana products, such as edibles and concentrates

About this project

Marijuana laws in California can vary widely from one city to the next, making it tough for residents to know where they can shop for legal cannabis, open a marijuana business or even what they can do in their own homes.

That’s because, while Californians have been free to carry up to an ounce of marijuana and consume it in private since Proposition 64 passed in November 2016, state law gives local governments full authority to regulate or ban most other marijuana activity in their borders.

We asked about local rules for all types of cannabis businesses, since cities (or counties, if the proposed address is in an unincorporated area) can choose to regulate these operations or ban them entirely.

We also asked cities and counties about regulations they’ve imposed on the right (per Prop. 64) of residents 21 and older to grow up to six marijuana plants per home out of public view, since local governments can ban outdoor gardens and add other “reasonable” regulations.

We used the policy information to give cities and counties a score from zero to 100, with zero for cities that are as strict as they can be under state law and 100 for cities that are the most permissive. (Learn more about that methodology here.)

A patchwork of municipal codes can be seen in the map below, with concentrations of high-scoring, cannabis-friendly cities found in central Los Angeles County and the county seats of Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino. Cities in the Coachella Valley and elsewhere in the desert also have opted to nurture marijuana businesses.

Citizens of some cities heavily favored Proposition 64 in 2016 — others largely opposed it. The following graph shows how residents’ votes on the new state law jibe with that city’s home grow and business regulations, from the city of Industry, where there was little enthusiasm for Proposition 64 and local marijuana rules are strict, to Palm Springs, where nearly three-in-four voted for the initiative and every type of cannabis business can set up shop.

What’s next?

We’ll be updating the database frequently, with cities and counties passing new cannabis regulations each week.

Read More

Where to legally buy recreational marijuana in California

Here are the rules for legal marijuana in California now that the law is in effect

10 steps to starting a marijuana business in California

15 FAQs about California marijuana laws

How and why Southern California’s population grew so much in one year

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Have you met your new neighbors?

There are more than 82,000 of them in Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties.

That’s the estimated population increase between 2016 and 2017, according to data released Wednesday night, March 21, by the U.S. Census Bureau.

The biggest growth, not surprisingly, is in the Inland Empire, where housing is relatively cheaper and home construction is feverishly trying to keep up with demand.

Riverside County alone added almost 37,000 new residents during that period – the third-biggest population growth of any county in the U.S.

San Bernardino County brought in another 20,000 new residents, coming in at No. 18 in the nation.

Los Angeles and Orange counties also grew by almost 13,000 residents each, enough to put both of them in the top 40 on a list of 3,220 counties, including Puerto Rico’s municipios.

Nationwide, the growth was focused in southern states; Texas had 10 counties in the top 40, while Florida had nine. More than 1,400 counties shrank in population, led by the Illinois county that contains Chicago, while four Puerto Rico municipios were in the bottom 10.

 

Because all four Southern California counties are so huge already — Los Angeles County is the most populous in the U.S., and all four are in the top 15 — their growth wasn’t so remarkable percentage-wise.

Riverside County’s increase came out to 1.54 percent, or 389th in the nation. Los Angeles County’s increase was only 0.13 percent for a rank of 1,638.

Southern California is an attractive place to live for a variety of reasons: famously sunny weather, proximity to ocean surf and snowy mountains, a robust job market and world-class universities, said Hasan Ikhrata, executive director for the Southern California Association of Governments, a regional agency that coordinates on issues such as housing, transportation and population growth.

Not so attractive? A worsening housing crisis as both home prices and apartment rents rise. But housing is more affordable in the Inland counties than along the coast, which adds to their appeal.

The median home price was $710,000 in Orange County and $580,000 in Los Angeles County in February, according to CoreLogic. Compare that to $375,000 in Riverside County and $336,500 in San Bernardino County.

“Affordability is in the eye of the beholder,” Ikhrata said.

The rate of population growth has been rising in the Inland Empire since 2013, but it’s decreased most years since 2010 in the two coastal counties, the census data show.

The high housing costs are a primary factor in those slowing rates, Ikhrata said.

The housing costs also are beginning to make prospective employers nervous.

“Employers who want to move to L.A. and Orange County are thinking twice now because of housing,” he said.

He said that could even affect, for example, Amazon’s location decision for a second headquarters.

Meanwhile, a major driver of Inland Empire population growth has been the significant number of new jobs being created in the two-county region, said Karthick Ramakrishnan, associate dean for the UC Riverside School of Public Policy.

“It took a little bit longer than other regions to rebound from the recession,” he said, but the economy is strong now.

Ikhrata said international migration has been a strong factor in Los Angeles and Orange County’s growth in recent years, and slowing immigration rates are also partly responsible for slowing growth there.

The coastal counties’ population peak is within sight.

The California Department of Finance predicts that Los Angeles County will hit a ceiling in 2052 — at 11,279,077 residents — then will start slipping.

Orange County should peak in 2055 at a population of 3,621,879, according to the Finance Department, whose estimates and methodologies differ from those of the U.S. Census Bureau.

Riverside and San Bernardino counties are on track to grow every year through at least 2060, the farthest into the future that the state forecasts. Riverside County could start that decade with at least 3.6 million residents; San Bernardino County, with at least 3.2 million.

Marijuana laws for every city and county? Our database shows California slow to accept Prop. 64

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Fewer than one in three California cities (144 out of 482) allow any kind of cannabis business to operate in their borders. And just 18 of the state’s 58 counties permit cannabis businesses in their unincorporated areas.

Also, fewer than one in five California cities welcome medical marijuana dispensaries, while fewer than one in seven allow recreational cannabis stores, where anyone 21 and older has been able to shop for legal weed since Jan. 1.

These are some of the findings in a first-of-its-kind investigation, tracking and compiling the cannabis ordinances in all 540 city and county jurisdictions in California, a study conducted by Southern California News Group and other Digital First newspapers.

The information opens a window into how the industry is taking shape three months after California began licensing marijuana businesses and permitting the sale of recreational marijuana.

The study is needed because of a simple rule in California: While Proposition 64 (approved by 57 percent of state voters in November 2016) makes it legal for people to carry up to an ounce of marijuana and to grow it at home and consume it for pleasure, the law also gives cities and counties a strong say in how that law is implemented within their jurisdictions.

That dichotomy has led to a crazy quilt of policies across the state. Some towns are cannabis friendly, allowing a wide range of businesses related to a product that residents are free to use at their discretion. Other cities are less enthusiastic, with some blocking virtually every type of marijuana-related enterprise and, in some cases, passing ordinances that seem aimed at regulating personal use as much as possible.

Last year, to help everyone from pot consumers and would-be pot entrepreneurs to people who simply are curious about the progress of a new state law, we began gathering details on local marijuana policies. In January, we launched a database with some of that information, offering cannabis rules from about half the cities in the state. Today, we’ve upgraded that work, with rules from every city and county in California.

The information is included in our online database, where readers can search policies by location or by business type. And, based on an analysis of that data, we’ve ranked each community on our 100-point scale of marijuana friendliness.

The data reveals some interesting trends, conflicts and anomalies. It also shows that leaders in some communities are far less enthusiastic (or, in some cases, more enthusiastic) about cannabis than the residents who voted for or against Prop 64. That’s one reason the database shows city-by-city voting results, too.

Today’s story is the first in a three-part series. Next up is a story about how some city laws seem to paint cannabis as a barely-legal product, and after that will come a story about how a few cities are particularly eager to make money off the cannabis industry.

We’ll continue exploring and expanding the data so, down the road, we can offer more insights about the multi-billion-dollar world of legal cannabis in California.

California hasn’t gone green

Many people seem to think it’s a free-for-all when it comes to cannabis in California now that recreational marijuana is legal. But that’s far from the case, as many cities are setting up strict rules on what types of cannabis businesses — if any — can open in their town.

OCR-L-POTDATABASE2-0409-web

And even the numbers that seem to indicate where the cannabis industry is being welcomed can paint an overly enthusiastic picture. A couple dozen cities on the chart — places such as Moreno Valley and Davis — have passed rules to allow marijuana businesses. But that data doesn’t show how those cities have yet to fully develop the regulations, or issue permits, to let those businesses start.

That’s why even though 61 cities and nine counties have ordinances on the books that allow recreational marijuana stores, as of April 6, 2018, the state Bureau of Cannabis Control had licensed recreational shops in only 34 cities and five unincorporated county areas of California.

Here’s a map of shops licensed to sell recreational cannabis.

Most cannabis-friendly cities in California

A couple dozen cities are leading the pack for the most points we’ve doled out so far, meaning they’re the most lenient cities in the state when it comes to cannabis policy.

(If the graphics with this story are unresponsive, refresh this page.)

Riverside County has by far the highest number of permissive cities, with six that score above 96 points on our scale. A few other counties have two 96-point cities each, including Los Angeles and Sonoma.

Four counties are also racking up points when it comes to their lenient policies for unincorporated areas: Humboldt, Inyo, Del Norte and Monterey.

To get above 96 points, cities and counties must allow every type of marijuana business licensed by the state. That means permitting medical and recreational licenses for cannabis sales, cultivation, manufacturing, distribution and testing. They would also have to allow their residents to grow marijuana at home, both indoors and outdoors.

No one yet has a score of 100 is because we reserved a few points in our scale for cities that go a step further and allow, say, cannabis lounges or festivals. We’ll be incorporating these factors as we continue to build out the database, with cities such as Palm Springs and San Francisco — which permit cannabis lounges — expected to jump even higher.

(Note: We don’t mean to imply that “high” scores are better or worse than “low” scores. If you support cannabis rights, you’ll likely see a high score as a good thing. If you oppose them, you’ll likely see a low score as preferable. Our scoring system is simply a mathematical way to compare city and county policies.)

Least cannabis-friendly cities in California

More than five dozen cities score a zero on our scale of cannabis friendliness.

These cities are spread over 26 counties. The highest number is predictably in the county with by far the most cities: Los Angeles. But just 19 percent of L.A. County cities are super strict on cannabis, while every city in the tiny counties of Madera and Sutter have passed the toughest rules possible.

Perhaps the biggest surprise is in Humboldt County, which is famous for cannabis production. Despite the region’s reputation as a cannabis hotbed, and despite having a couple cities where cannabis ordinances are lenient, four of the seven cities in Humboldt County earn zero points on our scale.

To get a zero score, a city has to ban all marijuana businesses, block residents from growing marijuana for personal use outdoors and require them to get a permit to grow it inside their homes.

County policies sometimes conflict with cities

So far, counties have been slightly more likely than cities to welcome marijuana businesses.

The gap is most pronounced when it comes to shops and cultivation. More than 15 percent of California counties allow recreational stores in unincorporated areas, for example, compared with 12 percent of cities. And 27 percent of counties allow medical marijuana cultivation, compared with just 20 percent of cities.

In some places, county policies contrast sharply with some of the rules passed by cities within that county.

Imperial County, for example, permits all types of marijuana businesses in its unincorporated areas, mostly near the Arizona and Mexico borders. Yet most cities in Imperial County (the three biggest are El Centro, Calexico and Brawley) have banned the industry, and none allow recreational shops.

There are also state-licensed marijuana stores that claim addresses in Carmel and Monterey, even though both of those cities block all marijuana businesses.

The shops are technically in unincorporated Monterey County, which allows all types of marijuana businesses. Same goes for a recreational shop “in Crescent City” that’s actually in unincorporated Del Norte County, and another with an address “in Fort Bragg” though it’s officially in unincorporated Mendocino County.

Local policies vs. voter wishes

In some cities and counties, cannabis industry rules contrast sharply with how residents there voted on Prop. 64.

In the top left corner of the chart you’ll find cities and counties where local leaders have passed liberal marijuana policies even though most of their constituents voted against Prop. 64.

Imperial County again stands out. Only 45 percent of unincorporated county residents there voted in favor of legalizing recreational marijuana. But the Imperial County Board of Supervisors voted in November to welcome every type of cannabis business, giving the area a score of 95.9 on our scale of permissiveness.

Oakdale and Riverbank, in Stanislaus County, are the only two cities in the state that welcome every type of recreational marijuana business even though a majority of residents in both cities voted against Prop. 64.

The opposite can be seen in the bottom right corner of the chart, which shows cities and counties where local leaders are sticking with strict cannabis policies even though more than two thirds of the voters in their communities were in favor of Prop. 64.

In Sausalito, in Marin County, 77 percent of voters supported legal weed, but city council members there have blocked all businesses and outdoor home gardens. The numbers are similar in the Bay Area city of Albany.

In other places, local policies are very much in line with voter wishes.

West Hollywood and Berkeley voters, for example, tied with a high of 83 percent of residents approving Prop. 64. Both cities also have liberal cannabis policies, just missing the leader board for most permissive cities in the state because they block commercial cultivation and other behind-the-scenes businesses.

Kingsburg, in Fresno County, also has policies that align with election numbers. Residents of the farming town opposed Prop. 64 more than anywhere else in California, with only 35 percent favoring marijuana legalization. And city council members have taken a similar stance, with policies that earn Kingsburg 0.5 out of 100 points on our scale of marijuana friendliness.


Marijuana laws for every city and county? Our database shows California slow to accept Prop. 64

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First of three parts. Read Part 2 and Part 3

Fewer than one in three California cities (144 out of 482) allow any kind of cannabis business to operate in their borders. And just 18 of the state’s 58 counties permit cannabis businesses in their unincorporated areas.

Also, fewer than one in five California cities welcome medical marijuana dispensaries, while fewer than one in seven allow recreational cannabis stores, where anyone 21 and older has been able to shop for legal weed since Jan. 1.

These are some of the findings in a first-of-its-kind investigation, tracking and compiling the cannabis ordinances in all 540 city and county jurisdictions in California, a study conducted by Southern California News Group and other Digital First newspapers.

The information opens a window into how the industry is taking shape three months after California began licensing marijuana businesses and permitting the sale of recreational marijuana.

The study is needed because of a simple rule in California: While Proposition 64 (approved by 57 percent of state voters in November 2016) makes it legal for people to carry up to an ounce of marijuana and to grow it at home and consume it for pleasure, the law also gives cities and counties a strong say in how that law is implemented within their jurisdictions.

That dichotomy has led to a crazy quilt of policies across the state. Some towns are cannabis friendly, allowing a wide range of businesses related to a product that residents are free to use at their discretion. Other cities are less enthusiastic, with some blocking virtually every type of marijuana-related enterprise and, in some cases, passing ordinances that seem aimed at regulating personal use as much as possible.

Last year, to help everyone from pot consumers and would-be pot entrepreneurs to people who simply are curious about the progress of a new state law, we began gathering details on local marijuana policies. In January, we launched a database with some of that information, offering cannabis rules from about half the cities in the state. Today, we’ve upgraded that work, with rules from every city and county in California.

The information is included in our online database, where readers can search policies by location or by business type. And, based on an analysis of that data, we’ve ranked each community on our 100-point scale of marijuana friendliness.

The data reveals some interesting trends, conflicts and anomalies. It also shows that leaders in some communities are far less enthusiastic (or, in some cases, more enthusiastic) about cannabis than the residents who voted for or against Prop 64. That’s one reason the database shows city-by-city voting results, too.

Today’s story is the first in a three-part series. Next up is a story about how some city laws seem to paint cannabis as a barely-legal product, and after that will come a story about how a few cities are particularly eager to make money off the cannabis industry.

We’ll continue exploring and expanding the data so, down the road, we can offer more insights about the multi-billion-dollar world of legal cannabis in California.rn

California hasn’t gone green

rnMany people seem to think it’s a free-for-all when it comes to cannabis in California now that recreational marijuana is legal. But that’s far from the case, as many cities are setting up strict rules on what types of cannabis businesses — if any — can open in their town.

OCR-L-POTDATABASE2-0409-web
Click for a larger image.

And even the numbers that seem to indicate where the cannabis industry is being welcomed can paint an overly enthusiastic picture. A couple dozen cities on the chart — places such as Moreno Valley and Davis — have passed rules to allow marijuana businesses. But that data doesn’t show how those cities have yet to fully develop the regulations, or issue permits, to let those businesses start.

That’s why even though 61 cities and nine counties have ordinances on the books that allow recreational marijuana stores, as of April 6, 2018, the state Bureau of Cannabis Control had licensed recreational shops in only 34 cities and five unincorporated county areas of California.rn

Here’s a map of shops licensed to sell recreational cannabis.

Most cannabis-friendly cities in California

rnA couple dozen cities are leading the pack for the most points we’ve doled out so far, meaning they’re the most lenient cities in the state when it comes to cannabis policy.

(If the graphics with this story are unresponsive, refresh this page.)

Riverside County has by far the highest number of permissive cities, with six that score above 96 points on our scale. A few other counties have two 96-point cities each, including Los Angeles and Sonoma.

Four counties are also racking up points when it comes to their lenient policies for unincorporated areas: Humboldt, Inyo, Del Norte and Monterey.

To get above 96 points, cities and counties must allow every type of marijuana business licensed by the state. That means permitting medical and recreational licenses for cannabis sales, cultivation, manufacturing, distribution and testing. They would also have to allow their residents to grow marijuana at home, both indoors and outdoors.

No one yet has a score of 100 is because we reserved a few points in our scale for cities that go a step further and allow, say, cannabis lounges or festivals. We’ll be incorporating these factors as we continue to build out the database, with cities such as Palm Springs and San Francisco — which permit cannabis lounges — expected to jump even higher.

(Note: We don’t mean to imply that “high” scores are better or worse than “low” scores. If you support cannabis rights, you’ll likely see a high score as a good thing. If you oppose them, you’ll likely see a low score as preferable. Our scoring system is simply a mathematical way to compare city and county policies.)rn

Least cannabis-friendly cities in California

rnMore than five dozen cities score a zero on our scale of cannabis friendliness.

These cities are spread over 26 counties. The highest number is predictably in the county with by far the most cities: Los Angeles. But just 19 percent of L.A. County cities are super strict on cannabis, while every city in the tiny counties of Madera and Sutter have passed the toughest rules possible.

Perhaps the biggest surprise is in Humboldt County, which is famous for cannabis production. Despite the region’s reputation as a cannabis hotbed, and despite having a couple cities where cannabis ordinances are lenient, four of the seven cities in Humboldt County earn zero points on our scale.

To get a zero score, a city has to ban all marijuana businesses, block residents from growing marijuana for personal use outdoors and require them to get a permit to grow it inside their homes.rn

County policies sometimes conflict with cities

rnSo far, counties have been slightly more likely than cities to welcome marijuana businesses.

The gap is most pronounced when it comes to shops and cultivation. More than 15 percent of California counties allow recreational stores in unincorporated areas, for example, compared with 12 percent of cities. And 27 percent of counties allow medical marijuana cultivation, compared with just 20 percent of cities.

In some places, county policies contrast sharply with some of the rules passed by cities within that county.

Imperial County, for example, permits all types of marijuana businesses in its unincorporated areas, mostly near the Arizona and Mexico borders. Yet most cities in Imperial County (the three biggest are El Centro, Calexico and Brawley) have banned the industry, and none allow recreational shops.

There are also state-licensed marijuana stores that claim addresses in Carmel and Monterey, even though both of those cities block all marijuana businesses.

The shops are technically in unincorporated Monterey County, which allows all types of marijuana businesses. Same goes for a recreational shop “in Crescent City” that’s actually in unincorporated Del Norte County, and another with an address “in Fort Bragg” though it’s officially in unincorporated Mendocino County.rn

Local policies vs. voter wishes

rnIn some cities and counties, cannabis industry rules contrast sharply with how residents there voted on Prop. 64.

In the top left corner of the chart you’ll find cities and counties where local leaders have passed liberal marijuana policies even though most of their constituents voted against Prop. 64.

Imperial County again stands out. Only 45 percent of unincorporated county residents there voted in favor of legalizing recreational marijuana. But the Imperial County Board of Supervisors voted in November to welcome every type of cannabis business, giving the area a score of 95.9 on our scale of permissiveness.

Oakdale and Riverbank, in Stanislaus County, are the only two cities in the state that welcome every type of recreational marijuana business even though a majority of residents in both cities voted against Prop. 64.

The opposite can be seen in the bottom right corner of the chart, which shows cities and counties where local leaders are sticking with strict cannabis policies even though more than two thirds of the voters in their communities were in favor of Prop. 64.

In Sausalito, in Marin County, 77 percent of voters supported legal weed, but city council members there have blocked all businesses and outdoor home gardens. The numbers are similar in the Bay Area city of Albany.

In other places, local policies are very much in line with voter wishes.

West Hollywood and Berkeley voters, for example, tied with a high of 83 percent of residents approving Prop. 64. Both cities also have liberal cannabis policies, just missing the leader board for most permissive cities in the state because they block commercial cultivation and other behind-the-scenes businesses.

Kingsburg, in Fresno County, also has policies that align with election numbers. Residents of the farming town opposed Prop. 64 more than anywhere else in California, with only 35 percent favoring marijuana legalization. And city council members have taken a similar stance, with policies that earn Kingsburg 0.5 out of 100 points on our scale of marijuana friendliness.

Southern California ERs look for answers to the crush of newly insured patients at their doors

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Second in a four-part series that examines emergency room use in Southern California.

As the medical director for the Los Angeles County Fire Department, Dr. Clayton Kazan sees the crunch at the doors of the emergency departments and says more hospitals need to come to the table to talk about how to ease it.

“If you look at the numbers, the visits are up and the admissions are down,” he said, meaning those who need beds may not be getting them.

One solution to allay the high numbers may be a pilot project Kazan and the Los Angeles County Fire Department are trying out: a mobile integrated health care unit. The goal is to see if a “health care on wheels” model can help crowded emergency departments — which in Southern California saw a 27 percent increase in patients from 2010 to 2016 — by steering 911 callers toward urgent cares or other options.

His department has noted that the volume of 911 calls was up significantly and the department expected to field more than 400,000 calls for emergency medical services in 2018. The 911 system becomes the default health care provider; it’s a system that needs to change with the times, he added.

Kazan and other emergency department directors across Los Angeles say that urgent cares and community clinics need to extend their hours to care for the working-class people, who end up in ERs at higher rates. And there’s a need to educate the public on what their health insurance covers, he said.

“A lot of health plans pay for other resources,” he said. “People just don’t know all the resources they have.”

The California Hospital Association has co-sponsored AB-1795, a bill introduced in January by Assemblyman Mike Gipson (D-Carson) that would allow ambulance companies to take patients with non-life threatening mental health issues to urgent care centers, or those who are intoxicated to a sobering center — places they can receive targeted treatment.

Kazan and the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors support the effort.

Jan Emerson-Shea, spokeswoman for the California Hospital Association, agrees there are ways to steer patients to other resources, but it’s not easy.

“This would be a small start as a way to calm the ERs from people who don’t have the clear medical need,” she said. “Most hospitals don’t have those services and the patients often languish.”

She also said hospitals are at the table when it comes to offering solutions, including setting up more urgent cares and merging with universities and clinics to expand their networks. And she noted more are effectively using technology, such as apps on smartphones and telemedicine, to direct people to the right place for their needs.

“What you’re going to see in the next decade or so, is the care delivery system is going to look different,” Emerson-Shea said. “I can tell you there is a lot of talk among hospitals in our field about health care consumerism. More and more hospitals and health care (organizations) have to rethink how to do business.”

From the other side

Staff at community clinics agree that more people need to be educated on what their plans cover, said Louise McCarthy, president and CEO of the Community Clinic Association of Los Angeles County.

“People with insurance often inappropriately use the ED because of a lack of effective education on how to use their insurance and the services available to them in the community — this includes services in the community clinics, including preventive care that could help them avoid an ED visit in the first place,” McCarthy said.

She said the staff within the emergency departments also lack information on where to send patients for more appropriate care.

“Additionally, with no out-of-pocket costs for an avoidable ED visit in Medi-Cal, there is no financial incentive for enrollees to use more appropriate care,” she added. “We’ve made major gains in expanding coverage in Los Angeles, but we haven’t succeeded at helping enrollees use their benefits effectively.”

McCarthy said clinics are more likely to offer culturally competent, comprehensive services for people seeking care at a cost significantly lower than a hospital visits and some are expanding hours and same-day appointments, such as Clinica Romero, which sees patients up to 8:30 p.m. at its Pico-Union location, while KHEIR’s Wilshire clinic is open Saturdays. Many clinics have urgent care centers.

As a result of funding through the ACA, Los Angeles community clinics now serve 1.6 million patients a year, up 23 percent since 2010, McCarthy said. These clinics have seen a 141 percent increase in the number of Medicaid patients served over the same time frame. Many clinics across Los Angeles continue to have capacity to serve new patients.

Better care and better access to clinics during off-hours will help, experts said, and though emergency department visits have risen, there is an upside.

The increase in percentage of emergency department visits and admissions by those with Medi-Cal is explained in part by a sizable 11 percentage point drop in the share of trips by the uninsured since 2010. The group made up only 8 percent of Southern California hospital-goers in 2016.

The regional dip in uninsured ER arrivals was most pronounced in San Bernardino County, falling from 20 percent in 2010 to 7 percent in 2016; the share was least affected in Orange County, falling from 13 to 6 percent. Los Angeles County hospitals in 2016 saw the highest rate of uninsured visits in the four-county area at a little more than 8 percent, still much lower than 19 percent six years prior.

But that uninsured 8 percent, which includes people who choose to pay out-of-pocket, still amounts to some 500,000 ER visits per year across Southern California.

“Unpaid hospital expenses still are passed onto insured patients, to the extent hospitals have negotiating power with private insurers,” said Gerald F. Kominski, professor of health policy and management at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health.

“But the number of uninsured Californians has dropped by more than 50 percent, and even those who don’t qualify for full-scope Medi-Cal benefits can receive emergency Medi-Cal,” he said.

Regular access to care

Kominski said a study with the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research found that low-income individuals who were enrolled in county-based health programs with regular access to care had increased use of hospital inpatient and emergency department services for the first year or so of enrollment, but then had decreased use of those services in later years.

“We concluded that chronically uninsured patients have health problems resulting from inadequate access to regular care and that when they get regular access to care, their use goes up temporarily as they attend to their health problems,” he said. “Once that initial ‘pent-up’ demand is met, they use care at a much lower rate. I expect (emergency department) use in California will follow a similar pattern in the future.”

Despite those positive results, he said the trend of emergency department use visits rising is still worth monitoring.

“If ED use continues to rise, that would suggest inadequate access to primary care, and continued use of the ED to compensate for the lack of adequate community-based primary care,” he added.

After years of sustained rises in ER visits, there are hints that the tide of visits by Medi-Cal recipients could be subsiding at some Southern California hospitals. From January to March this year, CalOptima noted a 10-percent drop in ER visits by Medi-Cal patients in Orange County compared to early 2017, said Bridget Kelly, director of communications.

“More of our members are seeing their primary care physicians,” Kelly said.

Emerson-Shea said she would push back on critics who say that the ACA isn’t working at all, that it relies too much on federal government funds to cover people, and that it should be repealed or allow people to choose to be uninsured, if they wanted.

“I think it’s still absolutely true our health care system is stronger when everyone is included,” she said. “If hospitals are getting reimbursements, then they can continue providing service we all can rely on. That financial security can allow hospitals to beef up their care and reduce wait time.

“It’s not like the issue is solved, but the only path to solving this issue is getting everybody in it.”

This story was reported in partnership with the California Data Fellowship, a program of USC’s Center for Health Journalism.

Southern California emergency room use has actually risen after the passage of Obamacare. Here’s why

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First in a four-part series that examines emergency room use in Southern California.

LDN-L-ER-SOCAL-BIGPIC-0610Homeless people and a growing number of newly insured young adults are flooding Southern California’s emergency departments for nonlife-threatening illnesses, years after proponents of the Affordable Care Act promised that better health coverage would divert people away from ERs, according to state data and public health experts.

State data show the opposite has happened: Emergency department visits, including those that resulted in hospital admissions, grew an average of 4 percent every year from 2010 to 2016.

The rise in emergency department use persists more than three years after the main provision of the Affordable Care Act kicked in, at a pace more than five times the average year-to-year population gains of greater Los Angeles.

California emergency rooms this decade saw a sustained growth in visitors pre- and post-Affordable Care Act. Visits from 1997 to 2006 hovered around 9 million and 10 million. By 2010, there were 11.6 million, and by 2016, 14.6 million.

A growth in homelessness, a newfound comfort among the previously uninsured and a widespread lack of access to ER alternatives such as primary care physicians are among the reasons why.

Hospitals from the northernmost edges of Los Angeles County down to the San Diego County line have seen massive shifts as more prospective patients have gained medical insurance: Private or member-only hospitals such as Kaiser began to see more patients with Medi-Cal, while public hospitals such as San Bernardino County’s Arrowhead Regional Medical Center lost patients and have reported fewer people in their emergency departments.

A Southern California News Group analysis of data from the state’s Office of Statewide Planning and Development found, from 2010 to 2016:

  • Visits to Southern California’s emergency departments swelled 27 percent, reaching 6.5 million in 2016. It’s as if 1 out of every 3 people in the region visited an emergency room that year. Southern California’s population grew just 5 percent in that time, so a larger population only accounts for part of the trend.

  • Medi-Cal recipients grew from one-quarter to nearly half of emergency room users in Southern California, including Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties.
  • As the share of patients with Medi-Cal rose, uninsured ER visitors fell from 18 percent to 8 percent; visitors with private coverage slipped from 32 to 26 percent.

  • Despite the jump in visits and admissions, Southern California’s ER average wait times — minutes people spend in an emergency department before they’re seen by a health care professional — appeared to improve slightly in 2016 vs. 2013, just before the ACA went into full effect.
  • Raw counts of both ER visits and admissions rose, but the portion of visitors who ended up staying in a hospital bed dipped from 18 percent to 14 percent, indicating more patients who were treated and released.

  • The high number of homeless people with mental health needs who also were enrolled in Medi-Cal has risen sharply and is most noticeable in California. At the same time, a shortage of psychiatric beds and mental and behavioral health specialists in California has contributed to the rush to ERs. The Golden State shows the lowest ratios of specialists, especially in the Inland Empire and San Joaquin Valley, according to California’s Current and Future Behavioral Health Workforce, a report from the University of California, San Francisco.

Those who have been opposed to the Affordable Care Act may say the data prove the system is failing, that these trends hurt patients, cost taxpayers too much and place even more stress on emergency departments and physicians.

But health policy experts and various organizations say that the system, given time, will even out — unless the Trump administration’s threats to fully dismantle the ACA come to fruition.

Others say the high number of visits should have been anticipated as emergency room use by those who were once uninsured.

“We see the increase in ED use by Medi-Cal enrollees as a function of people becoming eligible for Medi-Cal and, at least initially, not having an established usual source of care,” said Catherine Teare, associate director of high-value care at the California Health Care Foundation. “The ED utilization rate among Medi-Cal enrollees has not changed much — meaning that the use of EDs among these new enrollees was not much different from the use of other enrollees.

“We would expect to see number and rate decline over time, and some plans are already reporting that to be true.”

Still, the number of visits to emergency departments is worth the scrutiny and will show if the Affordable Care Act promises to deliver.

Health coverage is one thing, health policy experts say, but access to good care is another.

More than three-quarters of Southern California emergency rooms recorded increased patient numbers in 2016 compared with 2010

Sources: Office of Statewide Planning and Development, Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. (Ian Wheeler / SCNG)

A snake swallowing an elephant

Think of California’s health care landscape as a snake swallowing an elephant, said Anthony Wright, executive director for Health Access, a California-based consumer advocacy group.

The elephant is the large swath of Californians who went from being uninsured to gaining health coverage in just a few years. The share of uninsured Californians fell from 17 percent in 2013 to about 7 percent in 2015.

More than 1 in 3 Californians now carry Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid, including many homeless people who had no insurance before.

Like the snake, a network of care unprepared for the influx is trying to digest the newly insured who now have some form of coverage, Wright said.

Suddenly, people who withheld using the emergency room for fear of high bills were showing up at the doors, Wright added.

“For many people, the emergency room bill is the biggest bill in their lifetime. If you don’t have coverage, it’s a very scary prospect,” Wright said. “You have to be in a world of hurt to risk that. But if you are covered, then you have the ability to get the care you need.

“It may be that the emergency department is the one place that you go to that you know you can get the care you need. If you do have great utilization as a result, we think that’s a good thing.”

Millennials made their fair share of ER appearances — those ages 20-29 were the most common visitors in 2016, making up 16 percent of patients in the region’s emergency departments.

Baby boomers, too, have boosted their ER presence, with a 53 percent increase in visits and admissions so far this decade. In 2016, area emergency rooms recorded 216,725 encounters with patients in their 60s, data analyzed by the Southern California News Group show.

Wright said California began Medi-Cal enrollment early. An experiment involving 500,000 new enrollees before the ACA offered a glimpse into whether the health care system in California was prepared. Wright said the snake eating the elephant effect was present then too, but over time, the learning curve became easier for the newly insured.

“It was about two years for the system to absorb the pent-up demands of the needs the patients had,” Wright added.

He said it may take a little longer after the mass expansion brought on by the ACA.

“This was such an important and big expansion that we’re still sorting things out, both in terms of getting the data and figuring out what it means,” Wright said.

While still rising, the average growth rate of emergency department visits has slowed in recent years. In 2017, treat-and-release visits to California’s ERs only grew by 1.8 percent, according to preliminary data from OSHPD. That’s down from 2016, when visits grew by 2.3 percent, and from 2015 and 2014, when visits grew by 7 percent and 6 percent, respectively.

Southern Californians such as Jennifer Glasier, of Tustin, say they feel the current system can be uneven and unfair — that too many people will remain at risk unless a quicker solution is found.

Despite the Affordable Care Act’s provision that insurers can’t deny coverage to people with pre-existing conditions, Glasier said her husband has been cast aside. He had kidney cancer and since 2015, she has paid high premiums to keep him covered on private insurance. They live in a motel, a result of losing their condo in Irvine because of high medical bills. Both work, but neither qualifies for Medi-Cal.

“I keep fighting with people,” Glasier, 42, said. “I pay every month for health insurance, but we’re denied basic care.”

So she takes her husband to the emergency room at Saddleback Medical Center. She’s been there eight times.

“We don’t have the money to fight (the system),” she said.

An exact figure of how many people stated they were homeless while being enrolled in Medi-Cal is unavailable, but estimates based on a statewide pilot program called Whole Person Care show a glimpse. In 2016, Orange County estimated on its funding application there were about 11,500 homeless Medi-Cal beneficiaries, Teare said.

In Los Angeles County, about a third of about 58,000 people deemed homeless last year reported being diagnosed with a mental illness.

“Mental health patients are being taken to the ERs because the mental health system is in crisis,” said Jan Emerson-Shea, spokeswoman for the California Hospital Association. “There’s no other place in many communities.”

In time, the health system of care among emergency departments, urgent cares and community clinics will digest the mass influx of Medi-Cal patients, but several pieces still need improvement, added Emerson-Shea.

“It is clear, we’ve got a systemic issue across the state that looks like ERs are the only part of the health care system open 24/7 and are required to take everyone at the door,” Emerson-Shea said. “That’s a good thing, but also we’ve become a backstop for every social issue. The ER is often the place to go.

“That’s not what the ER is for.”

ER visits and the ACA

And that’s where the ACA has come up short, Emerson-Shea and others said. During a 2009 town hall meeting to promote health care reform and the eventual signing of the ACA in 2010, former President Barack Obama said signing people up for insurance would eventually drive down costs and visits to emergency departments.

“One of the areas where we can potentially see some saving is a lot of those patients are being seen in the emergency room anyway, and if we are increasing prevention, if we are increasing wellness programs, we’re reducing the amount of emergency room care, then that frees up doctors and resources to provide the kind of primary care that will keep people healthier, but also allow them to see more patients and hopefully give more time to patients, as well,” Obama said.

“This is where ACA hasn’t lived up to promise,” Emerson-Shea added. “Unfortunately, one of the goals of the ACA was to get them out of the ER, and get them to doctors and prevention programs. That’s been one of the disappointing aspects of the ACA.”

Although Obama and his supporters spoke often of long wait times in the emergency departments, and how ERs would no longer be the place for primary care, a knot of issues persisted and produced the glut of visitors in the waiting rooms and along the hallways of hospitals.

Baby boomers: Known as the “gray wave,” about 4 million Californians will be 65 and older by 2030, and their age-related health needs will rise, according to a report by the Public Policy Institute of California. A 2016 report from OSHPD showed that falls among seniors that resulted in emergency room visits hvae risen 38 percent since 2010.

Lack of primary care physicians: A report by the University of California, San Francisco found that many California regions, including Los Angeles County and the Inland Empire, fall below the desired benchmark of 60 primary care physicians per 100,000 people.

Low Medicaid reimbursement rates: California’s primary care physicians receive 70 cents to the dollar from the government, the second lowest in the nation, behind Rhode Island, according to data compiled by Kaiser Family Foundation.

While the ACA has made strides in health care coverage, all those issues expose how there is still more to do in terms of making sure that people have access, Emerson-Shea said. “ER numbers are (high) because of a lack of additional doctors willing to see Medi-Cal patients.”

The lack of primary care physicians also has caused a domino effect hitting patients such as Loreal Ybarra, 62, a resident of Orange.

Ybarra said she’s had private insurance before, but illness led her to leave her job; now she’s on Medi-Cal.

Over the past few years, Ybarra said, she’s used nearby St. Joseph Hospital’s emergency department about five times. CalOptima, Orange County’s health organization that administers her Medi-Cal, sent her to a clinic, where an overwhelmed primary physician spent only 10 minutes with her, she said.

Because of the brisk care, Ybarra instead relies on St. Joseph’s ER to treat her heart problems, visual impairment and other issues, competing for care with others whom she says simply come in with colds.

“The care is not the same,” Ybarra said of the changes after the Affordable Care Act. “The doctors (in emergency departments) don’t act like doctors anymore. They act like this is an assembly line. They say they are so overwhelmed with patients and they’re not taking the time.

“Everybody is passing the buck to someone else.”

She said she has waited up to six hours in the ER waiting room.

Less time in the waiting room

While long waiting room stories are common, the length of time spent waiting to be seen at many emergency departments in Southern California appeared to improve, according to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, which surveys patients to report how long the average ER visitor waits to be seen. Data were not available for about a quarter of the region’s hospitals.

The Southern California News Group compared median waits in 2016 to a benchmark: median waits over four years, 2013 to 2016.

The biggest improvements in 2016 were seen in Los Angeles and Orange counties, where ERs collectively knocked five minutes off the four-year median, to 25 minutes.

Anaheim Global Medical Center, a 189-bed hospital about a mile south of downtown Anaheim, slashed its median emergency room wait in 2016 to 13 minutes from 43 minutes since 2013, despite seeing a growing number of patients every year.

ER visitors surveyed at 199-bed PIH Hospital in Downey waited 39 minutes in 2016, nearly an hour less than the facility’s median over the four-year period.

Results at inland ERs were mixed: Riverside County’s median ticked up three minutes to 33 minutes; San Bernardino County’s was unchanged at 32 minutes.

At 51-bed Palo Verde Hospital in Blythe, the only emergency room around for miles, median waits from 2013 to 2015 were around 10 minutes. In 2016, they spiked to more than an hour and a half; the facility saw 9,877 patients that year, around its normal burden.

The Kaiser Family Foundation is a health care research organization. Due to a reporting error, the name of the organization was incorrect in an earlier version of this story.

This story was reported in partnership with the California Data Fellowship, a program of USC’s Center for Health Journalism.

Mobile health clinics might be a way to reduce ER visits in Southern California

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Fourth in a four-part series that examines emergency room use in Southern California.

The 911 calls come from all corners of northern Los Angeles County’s rural desert communities: Asthma attack. Elders on their own who have run out of prescription drugs and need help. Alcohol-induced illnesses. Mental health-related episodes.

Those are the calls Dr. Clayton Kazan wants, the kinds of ailments he knows he can fix with a lock box filled with emergency medications and an electrocardiogram that he carries in his Ford Explorer.

His equipment and tools may be low-tech, especially compared to the smartphone apps and telehealth devices hospitals nationwide are experimenting with to steer non-life threatening illnesses away from their emergency departments.

But the lock box contains what Kazan calls a more personal way of helping residents across the vast and mostly rural Antelope Valley, where primary and specialty care remains challenging to find, even among the insured.

Overflow

The lack of doctors, of community clinics that open for 24 hours to help the bulk of newly insured residents have caused an overflow into emergency departments across Los Angeles County, but especially on its edges.

“We need to look at the Emergency Department as a critical resource to the people who need it most,” said Kazan, the Medical Director for the Los Angeles County Fire Department. “Right now our ERs are all at capacity.”

The numbers back him up.

In 2016, emergency departments in Southern California together received nearly 6.5 million visits and admissions, about 1.4 million more than in 2010, according to a Southern California News Group analysis of data from the state’s Office of Statewide Health Planning and Development.

That amounts to a 27 percent rise in patient encounters in six years, well outpacing an overall population growth of about 5 percent in Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, and San Bernardino counties.

At the same time, new Medi-Cal sign-ups have offset a shrinking share of the uninsured and those with private coverage. Nearly half of Southern Californians with insurance have Medi-Cal; its recipients make up a growing group that has more than doubled locally since 2010 to 2.8 million in 2016.

And there was a gradual rise in emergency room visits that did not result in admissions, indicating hospitals are fielding more non-emergencies than they used to.

Dr. Clayton Kazan in the trunk of his work SUV, where he keeps a stash of medical supplies. (Photo by Scott Varley, Contributor)
Dr. Clayton Kazan in the trunk of his work SUV, where he keeps a stash of medical supplies. (Photo by Scott Varley, Contributor)

Kazan and his SUV are part of a Los Angeles County Fire Department pilot project to test out a a mobile integrated healthcare unit. The goal is to see if a “healthcare on wheels” model can help alleviate crowded emergency departments by steering 911 callers toward urgent cares and other options available to them in the community.

911 calls up

As an attending physician for Los Angeles County USC, Kazan has seen the number of emergency department visits rise since a key provision under the Affordable Care Act went into effect in 2014, which mandated that all American citizens and U.S. residents buy health coverage or pay a hefty fine at tax time.

While Kazan and many others agree that it’s good more Americans have health coverage, the calls that come into 911 show that people still don’t know where to turn for care. Many homeless people who call an ambulance for care are dealing with mental health issues, or have used drugs or alcohol to self-medicate.

“People call 911, because they don’t know what else to do,” Kazan said.

Of the more than 70 emergency departments across Los Angeles County, most go on diversion once a day, or ask paramedics to take patients elsewhere, he said, because ERs are at capacity.

That is a cause for concern, Kazan said, especially in an event of mass casualties, such as the recent mass shooting in Parkland, Florida, where 17 students were gunned down, or the concert shooting in Las Vegas last year, where 58 people were killed and more than 100 injured.

“People call 911, because they don’t know what else to do.”

Los Angeles recently caught a glimpse of its own emergency network on overdrive. In 2016, dozens of homeless people in the city’s Skid Row area became sick after smoking a tainted batch of Spice, a cheap, synthetic marijuana sold on the streets. The incident prompted a massive emergency response.

In one day, at least 50 people were evaluated within a few blocks of downtown Los Angeles — 38 of them were hospitalized.

Dr. Marc Eckstein, medical director for the Los Angeles Fire Department, told reporters then that emergency personnel were stretched thin and that a dozen LAFD ambulances and 75 firefighters had to be diverted to Skid Row because of the drug.

“It’s taxing city resources,” Eckstein said.

Los Angeles County fire Chief Deputy David Richardson Jr., who oversees emergency operations, told the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors at the Jan. 9 weekly public meeting that the volume of 911 calls was up significantly and the department expected to field more than 400,000 calls for emergency medical services in 2018.

“The 911 system becomes the default healthcare provider,” Richardson said.

As a result of his testimony, the Board later voted to look into if mobile health units can be implemented.

“Our safety net has become increasingly stretched,” Supervisor Kathryn Barger wrote in her motion. “Growths in paramedic units and Emergency Department beds have not been able to keep up with the rising demand for their services. Our paramedic units are ever busier, and our Emergency Departments function at or above their capacity on most days, as evidenced by ambulances forced to wait to offload their patients.

“Our safety net is so full that it lacks surge capacity, and even a predictable rise in volume from a flu season coming a month early is enough to imperil our system and community health.”

Their decision followed a series of discussions by the Board on how to expand the role of paramedics to take homeless people with mental health care needs to urgent care centers that can provide specific care, instead of emergency rooms.

“We need to look at changing the whole model of healthcare delivery,” Kazan told the board at the time. The Board noted the Los Angeles Fire Department was able to establish a mobile unit to take people to a Sobering Center in downtown LA’s Skid Row.

Drugs and alcohol

The center opened in 2017 to help reduce incarcerations as well as minimize hospitalizations by providing drug and alcohol treatment. Currently, only law enforcement officers and paramedics from the City of Los Angeles can take people to the 50-bed center on Maple Avenue.

But city and county officials have noted that the beds are underused.

That’s because, in general, county paramedics don’t currently have the freedom to drop someone who is drunk or high at a sobering center. Once they respond to a medical emergency, they are required by state law to head to an emergency room, sometimes waiting for hours with patients before they can get back to work answering calls.

Larger drug problems persist. Amid a national epidemic of opioid abuse, emergency departments across California in 2016 saw more than twice as many opioid-related encounters than in 2010 amid a swelling national opioid epidemic.

Hospitals across the state saw about 63,000 opioid-related visits and admissions in 2010, and saw thousands more year-over-year, totaling about 138,000 in 2016, according to state health data.

The burgeoning drug and alcohol rehab industry in Southern California — the so-called “Rehab Riviera” that draws those seeking treatment from across the country — puts local emergency departments on the front lines to treat relapsing newcomers.

Kazan has said that emergency rooms aren’t well equipped to deal with substance abuse, and that personnel can offer little beyond stabilizing the patient and then sending them back out on the street to repeat the process.

“We have folks that come in and out of the emergency department probably every other day,” Kazan testified to the Board of Supervisors.

A bill to help?

The mobile healthcare units can be a good start, Kazan told the Board, but there is some push back by state groups on the effort on a bill that would expand the role of paramedics to allow them to take patients to sobering centers and mental health urgent care units.

Introduced in January by Assemblyman Mike Gipson, D-Carson, and co-sponsored by the California Hospital Association, the bill would allow local emergency medical services agencies to submit a plan to transport some patients to a community care facility instead of a general acute care hospital.

If passed, this bill also would allow local Emergency Medical Services to add to its scope of “assessment, treatment, and transport of a patient to a community care facility.”

In introducing the bill, Gipson noted that there were more than 14 million visits to California emergency departments in 2016.

“Many of us have personally experienced waiting in an emergency room for hours at a time,” he said in a statement. “Emergency departments have a primary responsibility, which is to serve as a rapid response to emergencies — whether they are individual medical crises or mass disasters.

“They are not well-equipped to serve patients who have mental health care needs or people with substance abuse problems, as they often require specialized care and access to supportive services.”

But groups such as the California Association of Emergency Physicians expressed some issues with Assembly Bill 1795.

At the heart of their concern is that the bill raises several questions that aren’t clearly answered, especially regarding the care at the places where paramedics take patients, said Dr. Aimee Moulin, president of the association.

Moulin said the association has seen similar pilot programs and results among some show that EMTs did not provide adequate triage — quick decisions on a person’s medical needs.

“This under-triage concern is exacerbated in patients with mental illness,” according to a letter sent to Gipson by the association in January. “Patients with mental illness have a higher rate of other chronic conditions than the rest of the population.”

The association has asked Gipson to consider some amendments before moving forward, Moulin said.

“For instance, the sobering centers they are talking about, I couldn’t transfer a patient there, because they are not licensed,” Moulin said. “If the paramedics are going to be taking a patient form the field to the destination, that destination should be license and paramedics should have more training.”

Moulin said there are some good results from pilot programs around the state, but data from those programs need to included in the bill. Based on the results, safety controls can be put in place, she said, so that the patients can receive the right care.

“They’re talking about some vulnerable patients,” she added.

Kazan said that 50 years ago, associations were against fire departments taking patients to emergency rooms. But with training, firefighters now are trusted as first responders.

Evolving system

In the meantime, Kazan said he would continue to test out his mobile health care unit. The Department of Homeland Security has provided funding for two more vehicles to test across Los Angeles County.

So far, using his own SUV, he’s done 10 tests in the Antelope Valley and has helped divert 44 people would would have otherwise gone to an emergency room.

In one case, an elderly woman who had so many different prescription drugs in her home — some of them expired — she’d confused what she was supposed to take. With few calls to her primary care physician, Kazan helped get her new doses and toss expired pills.

Kazan noted that the emergency medical network will have to be upgraded and personnel trained to understand when a call should be diverted to an integrated mobile health care unit rather than being handled by paramedics. With time and public education, he said, the system can evolve.

“Most of the health plans have access to urgent care or other services, but people just don’t know about all those services,” Kazan said. “We can make the calls to urgent cares. We can help make that connection for them. It would change the network, but it can be done.”

This story was reported in partnership with the California Data Fellowship, a program of USC’s Center for Health Journalism.

Tariffs could hit L.A., Long Beach ports hard, analysis and experts say

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If the latest salvos in an escalating trade war between the United States and China take effect, the resulting economic shock waves would likely hit Los Angeles and Long Beach ports the hardest, local officials fear.

The latest round of tariffs, threatening $200 billion worth of Chinese products the U.S. imports each year, stands to affect tens of billions of dollars worth of consumer goods – such as food, paper and handbags – coming into the L.A. area’s sprawling trade network, according to a Southern California News Group analysis of trade data.

President Donald Trump’s administration defends the tariffs as a difficult but necessary step to level the trade imbalance between the U.S. and many of its trading partners, particularly China.

Related: U.S. ports fear tariffs could reduce ship traffic and jobs

When these tariffs would go into effect, and the extent to which they could harm trade, is still unknown. But officials in Washington, who have held several hearings in recent weeks, will allow public comment until Thursday, Sept. 6, so nothing can happen before then.

The president has said a tough trade stance will bring back jobs, inspire new, more balanced trade deals and create stronger protections for America’s intellectual property. This week, the administration reached a preliminary deal with Mexico to replace the North American Free Trade Agreement and was working to include Canada in the deal.

Trump said in a recent tweet, “Tariffs are working big time.”

As part of the strategy, U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer was tasked with identifying the $200 billion worth of Chinese goods to set tariffs on.

“The Trump Administration continues to urge China to stop its unfair practices, open its market, and engage in true market competition,” Lighthizer said in a statement earlier this month.

Still, experts say, the negative consequences of further tariffs could be wide-ranging – hitting everything from the ports themselves to the trucking industry, American manufacturing and consumers.

Los Angeles ports, with the highest value of imports last year, would be among the hardest hit by new tariffs on Chinese goods

Source: Census U.S. Trade Online database via AP (Graphic by Ian Wheeler, SCNG)

“We’ve seen standoffs in international commerce before, and there’s still time to resolve differences,” said Mario Cordero, the executive director of the Port of Long Beach, who this week called the trade dispute unfortunate. “But recent tit-for-tat measures aimed at imports and exports could cause long-term damage and harm American consumers and businesses.”

At the Port of Los Angeles, Executive Director Gene Seroka has said the new tariffs could impact up to a quarter of the cargo traveling through the docks, enough to fill more than a million 20-foot cargo containers. Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti added that the port could suffer a 20 percent drop in volume.

“That equals 1.4 million (units), about $43 billion of trade value,” port spokesman Phillip Sanfield said this week. “That roughly equals containers lined up from L.A. to New York and back again to L.A.”

The proposed tariffs are set to burden some of the L.A. port’s top imported commodities, including auto parts, computer parts and accessories, machinery, and appliances, according to port data; top exported commodities that could be hit by Chinese retaliation include cotton, waste paper, plastics and scrap aluminum.

Still, experts and industry insiders disagree on how quickly the tariffs will land on the backs of consumers and whether it will hamper spending.

“The demand for some goods could outweigh any increases in price resulting from tariffs,” said Noel Hacegaba, the deputy executive director for the Long Beach port. “And that’s assuming the shipper passes on 100 percent of the tariff to the end consumer.”

But Clayton Dube, executive director of USC’s U.S.-China Institute, said, as an example, consumers can expect to see increases in the prices of goods manufactured from steel, since the tariffs have raised the price of the imported metal from China and elsewhere.

“Business customers will see higher prices for engine parts, for some kinds of construction equipment, for scales, for imaging equipment, for parts for printers and other electronic equipment,” Dube said. “Some types of farm equipment have been targeted.”

And, Dube noted, the likelihood of retaliatory tariffs from China could hit a number of American exporters, including California’s sizable agriculture industry.

That’s why officials for both the L.A. and Long Beach ports have gone on the offensive against the tariffs, even sending out tweets blasting the proposal.

“Tariffs could bring a significant reduction in cargo economic activity and ultimately jobs,” read one tweet the Port of L.A. sent this week. “Manufacturing and associated U.S. jobs could be at risk with current tariffs.”

Meanwhile, at the adjoining Port of Long Beach, internal data show that 10 percent of all loaded containers coming through the port have been impacted by the tariffs implemented last week.

The $200 billion of additional proposed tariffs – and a proposed $60 billion worth of U.S. exports to China – would raise that to 28 percent of all loaded containers moving through Long Beach, port figures show.

A wide spectrum of goods and materials moving through the port would be hit: aluminum, chemicals, machinery and parts, appliances, and electronics, said port spokesman Lee Peterson.

But it’s not just the ports that are worried about the tariffs – businesses are too.

On Monday, in fact, the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative held its final public hearing on the proposed tariffs, during which officials from hundreds of companies spoke about the effect the levies could have on their businesses.

Among those criticizing the tariffs were representatives from several Southern California businesses, including Ultra Wheel Company, a Fullerton manufacturer.

“The proposed tariffs would cause a severe harm to us, our distributors, and U.S. consumers,” Ultra Wheel president Fred Dobler said at the hearing, noting he would likely have to cut jobs. “The tariff would force us to increase the price of our products to our customers.”

The tariffs could also hurt one of the most volatile group of port-related workers, truck drivers. Many of the truckers are independent contractors who, if trade volume decreases, may lose work, said Weston LaBar, CEO of the Harbor Trucking Association in Long Beach.

“It’s hard to retain drivers,” he said. “If we don’t have work for those drivers, we’re worried they will leave for some other segment of the trucking business or go into another business, like construction.”

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The tariffs’ impacts could also extend far beyond the L.A.-Long Beach port complex – reaching into every trading hub in the Southland.

The Southern California News Group analyzed trade figures collected by the Census’ U.S. Trade Online database and prepared by the Associated Press.

The Census groups the nation’s ports of entry by land, air and sea into customs districts. Last year, the Los Angeles district, which includes LAX and Las Vegas’ McCarran International Airport, handled the highest-valued volume of goods in the U.S., worth $303 billion.

If passed, the new levies would affect at least 14 percent of that volume. With the tariffs on foreign steel and aluminum already in place, 18 percent of the district’s total imports would be subject to taxes.

The districts of New York City and Laredo, Texas, were second and third in import worth behind Los Angeles last year, valued at $228 billion and $117 billion, respectively. Adding proposed tariffs to those already in place, 8 percent of goods headed to New York would be affected, as would 2 percent of goods headed to Laredo.

The difference is the huge volume of Chinese goods Los Angeles receives compared with other shipping centers; the proposed round would hit $43 billion worth of goods headed to the Los Angeles area compared with $13 billion for New York and $2 billion for Laredo.

These nine import categories face tariffs targeting over $1 billion worth of goods bound for Los Angeles

Source: Census U.S. Trade Online database via AP (Graphic by Ian Wheeler, SCNG)

Locally, the looming tolls stand to hit the most valuable category of imports hard: electric machinery, equipment and parts – such as vacuum cleaners, electric razors, and various components for cars and home appliances.

In 2017, $55 billion worth of these products were shipped to Los Angeles, and the district is on track to bring in at least that amount by the end of this year. (By comparison, Apple has about $1.6 billion worth of iPhones, Macbooks and other merchandise on hand in its inventories.)

Tariffs imposed earlier this year already affect $4 billion of that total; if the Trump administration makes good on its latest threat, another $12 billion would be added, totaling $16 billion – a little under a third of the annual value.

The tariffs come at a bad time for the L.A.-Long Beach port complex, the busiest in North America. Last year, L.A. moved 9.3 million containers, an all-time record. Long Beach also set its own record, moving 7.5 million cargo containers – and it’s on pace for 4 percent more cargo this year.

“Modern supply chains are very complicated and by messing with their components, follow-on consequences are very likely,” said marketing professor Terrence Witkowski, director of Cal State Long Beach’s international business program at Cal State Long Beach and a harsh critic of President Trump’s trade policies. “I strongly suspect that the Trump administration’s crackpot trade policies will harm the ports of L.A. and LB.”

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

California’s 19% poverty rate, though improved, ties state for first in U.S.

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Nearly one in five Californians were living in poverty last year despite the state’s vigorous recovery from the Great Recession and its low unemployment rate.

The latest numbers, a reflection of the state’s high housing costs and low wages, show 19 percent were poor, some 7.5 million people. The calculation, released Wednesday by the U.S. Census, represents a 1.4 percent improvement over 2016.

California was statistically tied for first with Louisiana and Florida as having the highest poverty rate among the 50 states. Nationally, 14.1 percent of Americans were poor.

The agency’s Supplemental Poverty Measure is considered to be the most accurate yardstick because it takes into account the local cost of living and benefits from government safety net programs.

In the Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim metro area, renters with an income of $34,308 and homeowners with a mortgage earning $34,424 were deemed below the poverty line.

In the Riverside-San Bernardino-Ontario metro area, the equivalent numbers were $29,038 and $29,128, respectively.

“High housing costs are a key driver of why so many are struggling,” said Sara Kimberlin, a senior policy analyst at the California Budget & Policy Center, a Sacramento think tank, pointing to a “mismatch between higher housing costs and wages not keeping pace.”

Median household rents in California rose by 13.2 percent from 2006 to 2016, while median annual earnings for full-time workers grew by only 4.1 percent over the same period, according to inflation-adjusted numbers in a report by the budget center.

 

“Wages for workers in the middle and bottom range have been relatively flat,” Kimberlin added. “We’ve mainly seen increases for those at the higher end.”

California’s jobless rate stood at 4.2 percent in July.

Although attention often focuses on high rents in coastal areas, the report noted that in areas where housing is cheaper, wages also are lower. Statewide, more than a third of households pay more than half of their incomes toward housing.

National programs such as tax credits, food assistance, disability benefits and Medicaid (known as Medi-Cal in California) play a crucial role in reducing poverty, the budget center noted.

However, a proposal before Congress to slash food assistance, known as CalFresh in California, and efforts to reduce health insurance coverage under the Affordable Care Act could thwart anti-poverty efforts, the group said.

Thanks to the ACA, also known as Obamacare, California’s uninsured dropped to 2.8 million from 6.5 million. But progress has slowed, with the portion of uninsured residents dropping to 7.2 percent last year from 7.3 percent in 2016, a far smaller decline than the last four years.

“Congress is making attempts to slash federal funding to Medicaid and shift costs to states,” said Scott Graves, research director of the budget center. “A drip-drip-drip of federal actions is taking a toll on the ability to plan for the future and invest in healthcare. Whether the ACA and Medicaid remain intact will depend on the outcome of the November elections.”

Meanwhile, California lawmakers have enacted new laws to boost affordable housing. And two November ballot measures would address housing: Proposition 1 would approve a $4 billion bond to fund affordable housing construction and rental and home loan subsidies; Proposition 2 would allocate a portion of mental health funds to house the homeless.

State lawmakers have also expanded the California Earned Income Tax Credit, building on the federal EITC which gives tax refunds to poor families. Some 1.4 million California families claimed more than $300 million under the program this year.

However, Joseph Sanberg, founder of CalEITC4Me, a public-private partnership that promoted the expansion, said “California’s poverty crisis is even worse than the new census data shows. Some cite high housing costs as the culprit. But just as big a problem is that too many California jobs pay too low wages. Nearly 3 of 10 workers in California earn less than $12.50 per hour.”

The Supplemental Poverty Measure report released Wednesday, Sept. 12 did not calculate poverty down to the county and city level — numbers which will be released later this year.

A more basic census measurement, which does not account for the cost of living and safety net programs, pegged California’s poverty level at 13.4 percent, considerably below the 19 percent which weighs those factors.

That more basic analysis, released Thursday morning, includes local numbers. It shows that Southern California counties since 2007 largely followed the state’s arc of higher to lower poverty levels as residents weathered the Great Recession.

Still, the number of poor remains higher than it was before the economic crisis. Last year, about 2.5 million people in Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties lived below the poverty line compared with 2.2 million in 2007 before the recession hit. That total peaked at 3.1 million in 2012.

San Bernardino County’s poverty rate in 2009 surpassed Los Angeles County’s and peaked in 2014, when one in five people lived in poverty. The rate has since eased but remains the highest in the Los Angeles region at 16.2 percent last year.

The basic poverty measurement varies from year-to-year. In 2017, a person under 65 who made less than $12,752 was considered impoverished; for a family of two adults and two children, the threshold was $24,858.

Statewide last year, nearly four in five working-age people in poverty were employed, the census reported. Two in three poor adults had a high school education or higher.

Election: Midterm spending for CA House seats surpasses ’16 by $40 million

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With the finish line in sight and receipts in their wake, California congressional candidates have spent nearly $150 million, or about 36 percent more than they spent in the 2016 election cycle.

In their drive to flip Congress, Democrats have spent $102 million of the total, more than double the $47 million spent by GOP candidates, according to federal data reported by the Center for Responsive Politics. The final bill will be known after Election Day, when campaigns send in last disclosures to the Federal Election Commission, which enforces campaign finance laws.

Spending by organizations not affiliated with candidates or campaigns — money not included in this total — also pays for commercials, mailers and other media that supports one side or opposes another. With California House seats at stake, and many considered vital to the national outcome, outside groups spent $74 million.

Below: Select House districts around the state map or click/tap the bars to see who is running and how much each campaign has raised and spent. Click/tap your selection again to reset.


White lies — and worse — earn pink slips for police officers in Southern California, once-secret files show

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Former Santa Monica police Officer Kevin McInerney just wanted a cuddly puppy from the city animal shelter — so badly that he told others vying for the dog what seemed like a small lie, that he had a daughter.

Ex-Whittier traffic cop Jonathan Herrick coveted a special CHP award — enough to accept credit for a stolen car recovered by a co-worker. It was his colleague’s well-intentioned idea to push Herrick past the finish line.

And former La Habra Officer Brian Torres, once part of the region’s Homeland Security Task Force, wanted to go to the beach with a female colleague who wasn’t his wife. While playing hooky from his job, Torres triggered a missing person investigation amid fears that he had been abducted because of his work with dangerous informants, who turned out to be nonexistent.

All the officers were fired or forced to leave for lying. The early release of once-secret police misconduct records under a new California transparency law reveals some departments come down hard for dishonesty.

Police files unearthed under the law that took effect Jan. 1 — Senate Bill 1421 — also show that officers sometimes tell big, case-affecting lies as well.

In October 2015, former Irvine officer Blake Reutershan was fired after the department reviewed 45 of his reports and found that the majority omitted facts and contained inaccurate statements. Two years earlier, Irvine police terminated officer Michael Wong for the same problem and for disarming the camera in his patrol car at crucial times.

Experts say one of the concerns about police officers who tell even the smallest of lies is that their false statements can be used to discredit their testimony in unrelated court cases. While the badge brings a certain amount of automatic credibility with jurors, it can be easily tarnished.

“The code of silence … that’s really a thing of the past,” said Connecticut attorney Elliot Spector, who represents police officers. “Are there some officers who will take the risk? Of course there are, but when they are caught, it ain’t worth it.”

Misconduct files were released by Santa Monica, Whittier, La Habra and Irvine police departments as well as the Fontana Unified School District in response to public records requests by the Southern California News Group.

The group has teamed up with 38 other news organizations across the state as part of the California Reporting Project, which is working to retrieve police records under SB 1421 in cases of dishonesty, sexual misconduct, officer-involved shootings and other uses of force.

As of mid-April, the collaboration has asked for records — documents, photos, video and audio files — from nearly 700 law enforcement agencies in California, including 327 city police departments and all 58 county sheriff’s agencies.

Of more than 1,000 requests made so far, about 100 responses have included internal files dealing specifically with deceit.

Puppygate

In his mind, McInerney deserved to adopt the homeless puppy. He recovered the dog from a stolen car tracked down by police in October 2013. Then a four-year veteran, McInerney took the dog in his patrol car to the Santa Monica animal shelter, which is managed by the Police Department.

McInerney left word that he wanted to adopt the puppy as soon as possible. He returned off-duty the next morning to find that — because of a mix-up — a woman had been placed first on the adoption list.

Mulligan the dog on a camping trip with former Santa Monica police officer Kevin McInerney, who lied to get the pooch. (Photo courtesy Kevin McInerney)

According to personnel records, McInerney later identified himself to the woman as the officer who rescued the puppy. He also said his daughter would be disappointed if he didn’t come home with the dog. McInerney, though, was childless.

The woman, whose name was withheld by police, then insisted that he take the dog. However, two other women lower on the list grew suspicious of McInerney and questioned him about the name and age of his daughter as well as where she attended school.

Unsatisfied with his answers, they complained to the shelter that McInerney was abusing his authority to win the dog. One of the complaining women wrote a letter to the mayor. According to personnel records, McInerney continued to lie to the sergeant managing the shelter about having a daughter.

Former Santa Monica Chief Jacqueline Seabrooks, in her termination notice to McInerney, said he had violated one of the most important principles in policing.

“You lied about a material fact concerning police related business in order to provide an immediate benefit to yourself,” Seabrooks wrote.

She added that McInerney’s actions “completely undermine the trust that has been placed in you by the department and by the community you are sworn to serve.”

In an interview with the Southern California News Group, McInerney argued that the department was selectively enforcing its honesty requirement.

“The whole thing is absurd to me … it just seemed like that sergeant (who handled the investigation) had it out for me,” McInerney said. “I don’t disobey orders, and I don’t lie while I’m on-duty, when it actually … counts.”

There is a silver lining for McInerney, one that points out another problem in the police world — the use of tax-paid retirements to cut ties with unwanted officers. McInerney won a disability retirement for post-traumatic stress disorder and now collects an annual pension of $65,782 for about six years of service, according to the public salary and pension database Transparent California.

And the woman who adopted the puppy came to his defense and gave him the dog — aptly named Mulligan.

“No big deal”

In 2014, then-Whittier cop Herrick needed to recover 12 stolen vehicles in one year to qualify for a special pin from the California Highway Patrol. Herrick was off work the October day that his friend, Officer Matt Balzano, went out to retrieve a stolen 2006 Chevrolet Silverado traced to Santa Fe Springs with the aid of LoJack.

Balzano, a 10-year veteran, initially placed his own name on the police form documenting the retrieval. But then he telephoned Herrick and made what appeared to be a generous offer. Balzano asked if he could cross out his own name and replace it with Herrick’s — this would give Herrick the numbers he needed to get the award, called a “10851 pin,” referencing the Vehicle Code section for auto theft.

According to personnel documents, Herrick gave his approval. Balzano made the change after the report was checked by a supervisor. But the plan unraveled when Balzano bragged to a higher-up that he had helped Herrick, a six-year veteran.

Balzano later told investigators that he didn’t believe falsifying the report was a big deal; he was just trying to help out a buddy. Whittier police officials said the lie was far more serious.

“The fact that you did not consider either the falsification of a police report or the knowing misrepresentation to another law enforcement agency in the hopes of receiving an award a ‘big deal’ is extremely disconcerting,” wrote Capt. Aviv Bar to Balzano in a 2015 notice of intent to terminate. “Your deception and gross misconduct is inexcusable and unacceptable.”

Balzano was hired by the Imperial Police Department, near the border with Mexico, within three months of leaving Whittier. Imperial police officials declined comment. Records show Balzano makes $77,653 annually in pay and benefits at Imperial.

Herrick left the Whittier Police Department in 2016. He and Balzano could not be reached for comment.

A tangle of lies

By his own account, La Habra officer Torres lived an exciting life. The 10-year detective was a Homeland Security Task Force member who was recently struck by a watercraft while surfing — potentially by a lookout for drug runners. He had spent two days in the hospital and, shortly after, was contacted by a longtime confidential informant with a major tip about drugs from Mexico.

Or so the story goes.

Then his wife in 2014 reported him missing to the Azusa Police Department. She and co-workers were afraid because of the surfing accident. Maybe that was an attempted hit, they thought. Maybe he had gone to meet the tipster without any backup, according to his personnel file.

Then Torres’ task force teammates determined that he had not spent any recent days in the hospital. There was no tipster or major drug operation. Records show Torres finally called in and said he had spent a planned day at the beach with a date.

The woman, another task force member, said she believed Torres was getting a divorce. Torres was suspended. When he turned in his police dog, others noticed it appeared underweight and neglected.

As Whittier police dug deeper into Torres’ background, they uncovered nine affidavits in his desk, used to persuade judges to sign search warrants. All misstated his training and experience, records say.

Co-workers told internal investigators that he bragged about a drunken argument with Gov. Jerry Brown — so fierce he had to be escorted away by a CHP security detail. He said his family was independently wealthy and that he had worked for the San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department. None was true.

In a meeting with investigators, Torres said he often signs affidavits prepared by other officers. He said this was common practice. Asked why, Torres said police departments are money hungry and pressure officers to conduct seizures.

Torres also conceded that he lied to make himself look better to co-workers.

“Detective Torres is unabashed in his use of fabrication, deceit and lies,” Capt. George Johnstone wrote in a memo recommending termination. “Torres has violated the confidence and trust placed in him as a law enforcement officer to the extent it cannot be restored.”

Torres could not be reached for comment. It is unclear whether his falsified search warrant affidavits were turned over to defense attorneys as exculpatory evidence.

White lie

Former Fontana Unified School District police Officer Richard Zbinden was trying to cut a kid a break after confiscating marijuana from him in January 2014. Zbinden thought the boy was otherwise a good kid with hopes of joining the military. So he wrote the police report without mentioning the youth.

Zbinden’s “good deed” won him a 20-day suspension without pay from his $65,000-a-year job.

“The employee neglected his duty and did not represent Fontana Unified School District or the school police department in a positive light,” wrote Tika Dave-Harris, director of classified human resources at the district.

Zbinden, a former Pomona police officer for three years, said in his interview with the district: “I was trying to steer him away from marijuana … so he could follow his dream to be in the Air Force and to become somebody.”

Misstated facts

While some lies are small, others are big and can be very damaging.

In Orange County in 2015, prosecutors at the District Attorney’s Office grew suspicious of police reports written by Irvine Officer Blake Reutershan. The police department later reviewed 45 of Reutershan’s reports dating back to 2012 and found major problems.

For instance, Reutershan attributed statements to suspects who never made them. In one case, he allegedly wrote that a suspect told him she was going to sell Oxycodone to clients for $10 a pill. Recordings made by police showed she never said that.

In another case in 2014, Reutershan searched a hotel room without getting consent from the woman staying there. He wrote falsely in his report that she had allowed him to look around.

Five days before he received his termination notice on Oct. 27, 2015, Reutershan was arrested in Orange County for driving under the influence. He pleaded guilty to a lesser charge a year later. He did not appear to be charged for falsifying dozens of police reports.

In 2013, the city sent a termination notice to officer Michael Wong for deception and omitting material facts from police reports. He also was suspected of disconnecting his mobile video system or conducting DUI tests outside the view of the camera, records say.

Wong told investigators he would never leave out information intentionally from a report and must have forgotten.

Reutershan and Wong could not be reached for comment.

State narcotics agent fired for sexual tryst with subordinate, say newly released disciplinary records

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California Attorney General Xavier Becerra. (Photo by Cindy Yamanaka, The Press-Enterprise/SCNG)

A former state drug agent overseeing Southern California operations was fired after having sex with a female subordinate and blackmailing her into covering it up, according to recently unsealed personnel records.

William Telish, former director of a Los Angeles-based regional task force, had an affair with a secretary and then threatened to send nude photos of the woman to her son after she tried to tell a supervisor, said termination records obtained from the state Department of Justice under a new police transparency law.

Attorney General Xavier Becerra released the records after his department was sued by the First Amendment Coalition and Bay Area news radio station KQED.

In 2010, Telish was fired for dishonesty and discourteous treatment from his latest job as special-agent-in-charge of the Department of Justice’s Bureau of Narcotics Enforcement office in Riverside, the largest regional office in California. When he worked in Los Angeles, Telish supervised more than 95 local, state and federal workers in the operation against drug traffickers.

Agent calls firing a ‘sham’

Telish appealed his termination, calling the personnel investigation a “sham” and alleging that phone recordings surreptitiously made during the probe violated his civil rights.

The firing, however, was upheld by appellate court justices. The name of the woman, Linda Drylie, was redacted from state records, but appeared in lawsuits she filed against Telish and the Department of Justice. Her suits were privately settled, records show.

Telish and Drylie did not respond to phone messages seeking comment Tuesday.

The state termination notice says Telish and Drylie began the affair in 2006 while at a work-related conference for the Los Angeles lnteragency Metropolitan Police Apprehension Crime Task Force. Telish marked the relationship by taking nude photos of Drylie and making a sex tape with her.

At the time of the affair, Telish was being sued by another employee for sexual harassment.

In her lawsuit, Drylie alleged Telish began dating her “to satisfy his sexual, sadistic, torturous and narcissistic needs.”

Denied the affair

State records say he and Drylie kissed after hours in the office and had sex in a state-owned vehicle. Telish denied the affair when asked about it by another official.

“In other words, you lied. Thus, you intentionally tried to conceal from management that there was anything inappropriate going on between the two of you,” stated his termination notice.

To further the lie, records say, Telish forced Drylie to deny the affair to the deputy director of the task force. Telish threatened to post the photos and video of Drylie on social media if she didn’t recant her earlier acknowledgement of the affair, the documents say. He also threatened suicide, her lawsuit says.

Telish ended the affair when Drylie left the task force, but he demanded that she email him photos of her genitals, so he could determine if she was having sex with others, the state investigation found.

Victim hired at Placentia PD

Drylie obtained a job with the Placentia Police Department and Telish was sent in 2009 to head the Bureau of Narcotics Enforcement office in Riverside. The couple resumed the affair, but Drylie accused Telish of assault after he held her down with one hand and used the other hand to look through her cellphone messages to determine if she was dating other men.

Drylie reported the alleged assault to Placentia’s police chief, James Anderson, after Telish called her at work, reminding her that he still had the video and photos, records said. The chief complained to the state Department of Justice, which initiated an investigation. As part of the probe, Drylie started recording her phone conversations with Telish.

In the recordings, Telish used racial epithets to describe a co-worker and wondered aloud about the physical attributes of two male and female task force candidates, records say.

He also allegedly told Drylie to call him “Daddy” and said falsely that he had a 70-year-old informant in the Department of Justice headquarters who gave him information in exchange for sexual favors.

‘Extreme and irreparable discredit’

The termination notice said, “Despite the fact that you and Ms. (Drylie) had an ongoing personal relationship, such comments made to an employee of an allied agency … are unacceptable and cause extreme and irreparable discredit to the department.”

The Orange County District Attorney’s Office launched an investigation into Telish for allegedly controlling a witness, but declined to file charges because there was not enough evidence.

The Southern California News Group and news organizations across California have been working together since January to collect once-secret law enforcement records under SB 1421 in cases of dishonesty, sexual misconduct, officer-involved shootings and other uses of force.

California police agencies holding back misconduct records despite new transparency law

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Sex, lies and bullets flying wildly. Then there are the stolen drugs, illegal chokeholds, planted evidence, falsified reports and a police officer who lied to move up the adoption list for a puppy.

Those are among the misadventures uncovered during the first six months of disclosures under California’s new police transparency law, Senate Bill 1421, which took effect Jan. 1. The statute requires police to release long-secret records about officer shootings, use of force, sexual misconduct and dishonesty.

Yet those disturbing examples of police misconduct have come from a only a smattering of law enforcement agencies around the state.

Some large agencies, such as the Orange County, Riverside County and San Bernardino County sheriffs’ departments, San Jose Police Department, the California Highway Patrol and the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, have yet to turn over a single document. Others have released only paltry records.

Orange County Sheriff’s Department officials are saying all the right things: how they are dedicated to transparency, how several employees are combing through records, making redactions, and how they are trying to get the files to the public as quickly as possible.

But after six months, they have not released a shred of paper under SB 1421. They finally responded after being told that the Southern California News Group and other news organizations planned to identify them as one of the slow walkers. Then they announced they will begin releasing files this week.

No explanation for delay

“I’m not going to comment on why it’s taking us longer than anyone else,” department spokesperson Carrie Braun said.

The CHP’s latest estimate for releasing records is August. As for the corrections department, it has yet to provide even a list of records responsive to the law, although a spokesperson promised a “comprehensive status update” soon.

Collaborating newsrooms this year have asked for records — documents, photos, video and audio files — of nearly 700 law enforcement agencies across the state, including more than 300 police departments and all 58 county sheriffs.

More than 1,200 records requests had been made through June — sometimes multiple attempts per law enforcement agency. Police, sheriffs and other departments so far have turned over records for about one-third of requests. For another quarter of them, agencies said they didn’t have any cases that met the criteria.

A handful of agencies have not responded to reporters’ requests, which fall under the California Public Records Act, a law that requires government offices to acknowledge requests for public records within 10 days.

‘Trying to thwart the law’

“They’re trying to thwart the law,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley, who authored SB 1421. “We need to have (legislative) hearings to … shame these agencies for refusing to comply with the law.”

Skinner said she also is open to amending the bill to include ways to require the quicker release of documents.

State agencies not yet releasing records is “absolutely the wrong model (and) the wrong example to set for the rest of the local government agencies,” she said in an interview.

A lawyer instrumental in getting the law passed said he is “not aware of any requester who has gotten everything they have asked for.”

“The Legislature has spoken,” said Jim Ewert, general counsel of the California News Publishers Association. But even though only limited records are required to be released, “agencies are acting as if we’re going after their first-born child.”

Ewert said last week it “really shocks me” that San Jose, the state’s third largest city, had not released any SB 1421 documents in six months. San Jose police were involved in 33 shootings from 2014 to 2018, the years requested; 15 of them were fatal.

Like many other agencies, San Jose sided with state Attorney General Xavier Becerra that the courts should decide whether the new law applied to cases before Jan. 1, an argument several police unions made in lawsuits attempting to derail SB 1421.

Courts siding with media

But lower courts across the state, beginning in February, ruled that the law is retroactive. Becerra eventually gave up the argument and released a few disciplinary records involving Department of Justice agents, including one file showing an agent assigned to a Santa Clara drug task force was fired in 2015 for dishonesty, including stealing Moscow mule goblets from a local bar.

The issue of whether the law is retroactive appeared closed until a judge in Ventura County issued a surprise ruling earlier this month, saying the law does not apply to records created before Jan. 1. The ruling, criticized by open-government experts, affects only Ventura County. However, it is unclear if the ruling will have a broader impact.

“I mean, the cat’s out of the bag,” said Michael Rains, one of the state’s top police-union lawyers, referring to the documents agencies already have released.

Rains, who led arguments that the law doesn’t apply to old records, said the judges who ruled otherwise were “essentially legislating from the bench rather than calling it based on an objective view of the law.”

Concerns over privacy

But, he said, with the records that are out, dire predictions about officers’ privacy being violated and careers damaged haven’t happened.

“I don’t think the sky is falling,” Rains said in an interview Wednesday. “If anything, members of the public probably got some reading enjoyment from some of the things police officers do or have done, and say, ‘Wow, why would they do that?’ ”

What some records show

Those things include the bizarre, like a state agent and part-time sheriff’s deputy who for years stole tens of thousands of bullets from both agencies and wasn’t charged with a crime. And the Santa Monica officer fired for lying to get a puppy.

A police pursuit ends in a crash in Miraloma in September 2013. During the pursuit, Ontario Police Officer Neil Beresford shot wildly from his motorcycle, striking the suspect’s and other vehicles. An investigation followed and Beresford eventually was suspended for 30 hours. (Courtesy of Riverside County district attorney via Ontario Police Department.)

In Ontario, Officer Neil Beresford was disciplined for shooting wildly from his motorcycle during a 90 mph pursuit in 2013. One bullet hit the suspect’s car, three rounds hit other vehicles. One bullet struck the front bumper of a passing car. Another hit a Chevrolet parked at a nearby Circle K convenience store, with a woman seated inside.

Ontario officials initially recommended suspending Beresford for 200 hours without pay. But they later watered down the punishment to 30 hours.

Another ploy: A former Pomona detective, Jennifer Turpin, resigned under pressure in 2015 after falsifying a report to make it appear a murder suspect understood and waived his Miranda rights when he did not. She was caught when a recording of the interview didn’t match her report.

Some agencies destroyed files

Other agencies took great pains to keep their dirty laundry in house.

The Yuba County Sheriff’s Department destroyed years of records, including internal affairs investigations of dishonesty by officers and sexual misconduct, on Jan. 16, two weeks after the new law went into effect, despite receiving multiple requests for the records.

In Southern California, the cities of Downey, Long Beach and Inglewood purged years of old records rather than turn them over. The state requires that records be kept for at least five years.

To Ewert, the CNPA lawyer, agencies are “wasting taxpayer funds” and resources by engaging in protracted arguments with requesters and dragging things out rather than simply following the law and providing the records.

“They’re just delaying the inevitable,” he said.

This story was produced as part of the California Reporting Project, a collaboration of more than 40 newsrooms across the state to obtain and report on police misconduct and serious use-of-force records unsealed in 2019.

KQED radio news reporter Sukey Lewis contributed to this report.

ACLU sues LA County Sheriff’s Department for not turning over public records

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The American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California on Tuesday sued the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department, claiming the agency is flouting a new law that requires law enforcement to release once-secret documents regarding misconduct and the use of deadly force.

The 83-page lawsuit says the department has rejected the ACLU’s public record request for certain files on police shootings, use-of-force, sustained sexual misconduct and dishonesty, on the basis that the request is overly broad. The civil rights agency did not ask for all the documents in the files, but rather only those  records that explain the decision reached in cases during the last five to 20 years, depending on the type of incident.

The lawsuit was filed in Los Angeles Superior Court on behalf of three people whose family members were fatally shot by deputies. It is seeking a court order forcing the Sheriff’s Department to turn over the public records.

“These requests would not only serve to help family members find out what happened to their loved ones, but allow them to advocate for changed policies that promote accountability and improve public safety,” the suit says.

ACLU attorney Rekha Arulanantham said the group submitted records requests to 400 police agencies in California, and the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department is the only one to turn it down outright.

“The Legislature enacted the law because there is an interest in these records and people have the right to see them — and you just can’t ignore a request by family members,” Arulanantham said.

Insufficient resources to comply

In a prepared statement, the department said it had not received the lawsuit, but responded to the requests for documents: “The Department is working diligently to satisfy a major unfunded mandate from the Legislature. Our budget mitigation efforts have left us with an insufficient capacity to handle the deluge of thousands of PRA SB 1421 requests for documents.

“Unfortunately, funding to date for sufficient personnel and equipment in order to meet these demands has been denied by the CEO, who works at the behest of the Board of Supervisors.”

The law, Senate Bill 1421, went into effect Jan. 1 to allow the release of certain police personnel records kept secret for 40 years. Until the new police transparency law was passed, California had the strictest requirements for keeping police personnel files confidential. Under the new statute, records on the use of deadly force, proven sexual assault and dishonesty are eligible for release.

Besides the ACLU, about 40 newsrooms throughout the state — including the Southern California News Group — have banded together to seek the eligible documents from about 700 agencies with police powers as part of the California Reporting Project.

Los Angeles County has turned over some documents to the project, but far less than what has been requested.

Victim families denied records

The three individuals bringing the ACLU lawsuit — Demetra Johnson, Vinly Eng and Zachary Wade — all requested vital records on the deaths of their loved ones and the deputies who pulled the triggers. But they have received not one shred of paper.

Johnson’s son, 16-year-old Anthony Weber, was killed in the unincorporated Westmont area east of Inglewood on Feb. 4, 2018, by deputies who said he had a gun in his waistband. No gun was found, according to an ACLU release, and the county Board of Supervisors agreed to pay Weber’s family $3.75 million for the shooting.

“My son Anthony was … was shot by the deputies for no reason,” Johnson said in a prepared statement. “He had no gun, nothing to threaten them. It has been more than a year, and I still don’t have answers. We deserve to see those records, not just for my family, but because it will help change the sheriff’s department.”

Eng’s sister, Jazmyne Eng, was killed on Jan. 4, 2012, at a psychotherapy treatment center in Rosemead, an ACLU release said. The center called sheriff’s deputies to assist in holding her involuntarily for inpatient care, but within 12 seconds of visual contact, a deputy shot Jazmyne with a Taser and another deputy shot her with a gun.

The family accepted $1.8 million from the county to settle a wrongful death suit in her shooting.

Wade’s nephew, Nephi Arreguin, was killed on May 7, 2015, in Cerritos. Arreguin was in his car, possibly sleeping, when deputies approached, suspecting him of burglary. Areguin was shot shortly afterward. There is a dispute, according to the ACLU, on whether he was just sitting in the car when he was shot or driving toward a deputy.

The family accepted a $1.5 million settlement from the county for his death.

 

More than 3,000 wounded or killed in U.S. mass shootings since January 2018

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Since January 2018 to present, there have been 705 mass shootings in the United States, with 3,320 people wounded or killed.

 

MASS SHOOTING VICTIMS

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